For those interested in keeping up with my antics, please look into my new blog. I will be using it very often to update everyone on my progress.
Off a Mountain, On an Island
I hope to continue to shed more light on the "queer experience" in Japan.
I look forward to seeing everyone there!
Monday, May 25, 2009
Monday, April 27, 2009
お別れのポスト・A Farewell Post
It has been a fun ride.
I have not only finished my presentation, but I have also completed my research paper. I have a few other loose ends to tie up before I can graduate, but I have greatly enjoyed writing about this topic! It was initially difficult, like any big project, but once I mapped out the direction, everything fell into place.
I originally thought this blog would not be very useful in my research. Thankfully, I was wrong. I have received some great feedback from not only teachers and classmates, but from other bloggers interested in queer sexuality and gender. It was a pleasant surprise and encourages me to continue working within this kind of topic in the future.
As for now, I do not have intentions of writing on this particular blog for awhile. Currently, I am in the process of trying to become an English teacher in Japan. I hope to work there for a few years and to concentrate more on my Japanese (which still needs some improvement, I think). In the meantime, please look forward to another upcoming blog about my life in Japan. I will make a final post on this blog to clarify where everyone can find it.
Until then, wish me luck. You'll see me again!
Nick
I have not only finished my presentation, but I have also completed my research paper. I have a few other loose ends to tie up before I can graduate, but I have greatly enjoyed writing about this topic! It was initially difficult, like any big project, but once I mapped out the direction, everything fell into place.
I originally thought this blog would not be very useful in my research. Thankfully, I was wrong. I have received some great feedback from not only teachers and classmates, but from other bloggers interested in queer sexuality and gender. It was a pleasant surprise and encourages me to continue working within this kind of topic in the future.
As for now, I do not have intentions of writing on this particular blog for awhile. Currently, I am in the process of trying to become an English teacher in Japan. I hope to work there for a few years and to concentrate more on my Japanese (which still needs some improvement, I think). In the meantime, please look forward to another upcoming blog about my life in Japan. I will make a final post on this blog to clarify where everyone can find it.
Until then, wish me luck. You'll see me again!
Nick
Friday, April 24, 2009
Introduction
“Homophobia,” a relatively modern word that implies hatred toward queer sexuality and behaviors, has been a sore issue in the West. Byrne Fone of Homophobia writes:
Homophobia seems to be especially virulent in, and perhaps even unique to, Western culture. Studies of sexual behavior in other cultures, past and present, have rarely discovered the social, legal, moral, or religious disapproval of homosexual behavior common to so many eras of Western history. Indeed, in modern Western society, where racism is disapproved, anti-Semitism is condemned, and misogyny has lost legitimacy, homophobia remains, perhaps the last acceptable prejudice.
These are strong words to describe Western attitudes, but there is some truth behind Fone’s criticism. North America has been especially critical toward queer sexuality and behaviors, encouraging negative stereotypes of queers as disease mongering sexual deviants who flaunt an unacceptable “sinful” lifestyle. While the perception of queers has changed considerably on a global scale, there are still unfavorable views that linger in the minds of many Westerners.
On the other side of the spectrum, the East has been considerably tolerant toward queer sexuality and behaviors. The Japanese especially have many historical references ranging from art to literature that depict a variety of queer relationships and gender roles among men and women. While modern Japan is strikingly different from its traditional past, it continues to uphold a significant amount of tolerance toward its queer population, despite the country’s Western influences. How the country has maintained its tolerance can be explained through a variety of methods, whether historically, religiously, or sociologically.
Homophobia seems to be especially virulent in, and perhaps even unique to, Western culture. Studies of sexual behavior in other cultures, past and present, have rarely discovered the social, legal, moral, or religious disapproval of homosexual behavior common to so many eras of Western history. Indeed, in modern Western society, where racism is disapproved, anti-Semitism is condemned, and misogyny has lost legitimacy, homophobia remains, perhaps the last acceptable prejudice.
These are strong words to describe Western attitudes, but there is some truth behind Fone’s criticism. North America has been especially critical toward queer sexuality and behaviors, encouraging negative stereotypes of queers as disease mongering sexual deviants who flaunt an unacceptable “sinful” lifestyle. While the perception of queers has changed considerably on a global scale, there are still unfavorable views that linger in the minds of many Westerners.
On the other side of the spectrum, the East has been considerably tolerant toward queer sexuality and behaviors. The Japanese especially have many historical references ranging from art to literature that depict a variety of queer relationships and gender roles among men and women. While modern Japan is strikingly different from its traditional past, it continues to uphold a significant amount of tolerance toward its queer population, despite the country’s Western influences. How the country has maintained its tolerance can be explained through a variety of methods, whether historically, religiously, or sociologically.
Wednesday, April 22, 2009
Queer Activism in Japan
Early queer activist movements in Japan occurred mostly through the efforts of lesbian feminist who sought to build community ties through politics instead of just sexual attraction. Having been inspired by American feminist movements, many Japanese women of the 1970s of both heterosexual and homosexual orientations wanted to establish a stronger voice within their society and to stand up against an oppressive patriarchal system. While some of the activist communities provided an opportunity for women to socialize and to meet other women-loving women, they were often places for women to just simply “be themselves” and to withdraw from the heterosexual world.
Gay men, on the other hand, continued to remain in the bars and developed their small communities there. This is not to say that there have not been attempts to vocalize their community publicly, but with no overt oppressions such as police raids, antisodomy laws, and homophobic violence like those that plagued Western countries, gay Japanese men had little reason to organize collectively for a mutual cause.
In the 1980s and the early 1990s, the AIDS epidemic was a major catalyst for gay men to finally come forward about their sexuality. In cooperation with lesbian and heterosexual women, many events were organized to spread awareness about the disease such as the AIDS Candlelight Parades in the month of May and International AIDS Day in December. AIDS, as terrible as it was, allowed the chance for queer Japanese of all kinds to work together for a common goal and to participate politically to stop the infectious outbreak from spreading any further.
Gay men, on the other hand, continued to remain in the bars and developed their small communities there. This is not to say that there have not been attempts to vocalize their community publicly, but with no overt oppressions such as police raids, antisodomy laws, and homophobic violence like those that plagued Western countries, gay Japanese men had little reason to organize collectively for a mutual cause.
In the 1980s and the early 1990s, the AIDS epidemic was a major catalyst for gay men to finally come forward about their sexuality. In cooperation with lesbian and heterosexual women, many events were organized to spread awareness about the disease such as the AIDS Candlelight Parades in the month of May and International AIDS Day in December. AIDS, as terrible as it was, allowed the chance for queer Japanese of all kinds to work together for a common goal and to participate politically to stop the infectious outbreak from spreading any further.
Tuesday, April 21, 2009
Postwar Japan
Postwar Japan loosened many of its conservative notions on sex and gender, which in turn sparked more interest in sexual activities other than procreation. Pulp magazines like Modern Couple and Perfecting Coupledom arose to encourage heterosexual couples to enhance their sex lives and to fulfill their sexual desires. Some of these pulp magazines in the early 1950s also began to deal with sexual practices outside of what was considered “normal,” allowing readers to indulge in their “queer” interests.
Many of these “perverted” publications that pandered to queer curiosity generally concentrated on male homosexuality and cross-dressing—female homosexuality appeared to be just a mere afterthought in most cases. Of course, when nearly all the magazines’ editors and contributors were male, women had an exceedingly difficult time letting their opinions and experiences be heard. There were attempts to increase the voice of women who loved women in these magazines in the 1950s, but by the 1960s, material that was published relating to lesbian behavior became increasingly pornographic and began catering to a heterosexual readership base. Since women were essentially pushed out from participating in these publications, the bar world continued to be their main source of contact and community formation.
Interestingly, while the pornographic “lesbian” figure rose in popularity in the perverse press of the 1960s, interest in male homosexuality gradually declined. However, these articles did not entirely disappear, as some of the key writers of these magazines continued to do research and write on the subject. But, even though the writings had greatly diminished during the 60s, the 1970s saw the emergence of exclusive publications dedicated to male homosexuality.
Many of these “perverted” publications that pandered to queer curiosity generally concentrated on male homosexuality and cross-dressing—female homosexuality appeared to be just a mere afterthought in most cases. Of course, when nearly all the magazines’ editors and contributors were male, women had an exceedingly difficult time letting their opinions and experiences be heard. There were attempts to increase the voice of women who loved women in these magazines in the 1950s, but by the 1960s, material that was published relating to lesbian behavior became increasingly pornographic and began catering to a heterosexual readership base. Since women were essentially pushed out from participating in these publications, the bar world continued to be their main source of contact and community formation.
Interestingly, while the pornographic “lesbian” figure rose in popularity in the perverse press of the 1960s, interest in male homosexuality gradually declined. However, these articles did not entirely disappear, as some of the key writers of these magazines continued to do research and write on the subject. But, even though the writings had greatly diminished during the 60s, the 1970s saw the emergence of exclusive publications dedicated to male homosexuality.
Sigh
I'm kind of stressed out at the moment. As the last semester comes to a close, it's hard to keep balance on what things need to get done.
It was kind of a slap in the face for me today when I realized how neglectful I've been in my other studies. I feel like I could be doing so much better, but now I just want to be done with all of this. No more papers, no more assignments.
I guess we'll see how this all plays out. Regardless, I'll keep posting my research on here about queer Japan. Just disappointed is all.
Wish me luck.
It was kind of a slap in the face for me today when I realized how neglectful I've been in my other studies. I feel like I could be doing so much better, but now I just want to be done with all of this. No more papers, no more assignments.
I guess we'll see how this all plays out. Regardless, I'll keep posting my research on here about queer Japan. Just disappointed is all.
Wish me luck.
Sunday, April 19, 2009
What is Queer Identity?
Many in Western queer communities embrace the idea that there is scientific proof waiting to be discovered; evidence that will free them from negative judgment and silence their opponents attacking their “perverse lifestyle.” Additionally, queers frequently discuss their coming out experiences, usually describing them as a painful process of accepting their individual fate, and revealing their circumstances to others. In this way, they are expressing their true biological identity.
Still, some scholars question biological predisposition. What about outside, environmental influences? Are individual desires even powerful enough to risk their social stability? And then one has to consider the culture of said identity that it developed in. Are certain behaviors encouraged or discouraged in that particular culture? How does identity apply then? Furthermore, many argue that it is simply a matter of individual choice. In the instance of a person’s sexual behavior, individuals choose how to satisfy their sexual appetites as they choose what will satisfy their stomachs. Like ice cream, one decides on a suitable flavor: vanilla or chocolate? Male or female?
Essentially, one can be left in a predicament when it comes identifying sexuality. It can appear to be given, biological, constructed, chosen, felt, social, and individual. Perhaps sexual identity is a fusion of all of these; a blending of science and environment; culture and choice; a complex synthesis that can explain sexual identity in its entirety, rather than relying on one plausible theory. But, no matter what the dominating opinion is about sexual identity, the very basis of it is structured ambiguously from start to finish. No set of roles, norms, or categories will ever be applicable enough to stand the test of time, as the perceptions of identity change from one era to the next.
Japan, like any country, has its own personal views about queer identity. While the country is moderately tolerant of queer behavior, many still find it abnormal. And in a country that is considerably tightlipped about expressing individuality, some queer Japanese just continue live quiet lives, unconcerned with the “coming out” process. Moreover, many Japanese do not see themselves as inherently different; or rather, they do not want to be different. How do we apply queer identity then?
So what is the conclusion? What is “queer identity?” There is no “right” or “wrong” answer. Perhaps what queer identity hopes to achieve is to encourage people to question the boundaries and limitations society has unknowingly placed upon themselves. That is to say, why do we follow these norms, and ultimately, why do they matter so much?
Still, some scholars question biological predisposition. What about outside, environmental influences? Are individual desires even powerful enough to risk their social stability? And then one has to consider the culture of said identity that it developed in. Are certain behaviors encouraged or discouraged in that particular culture? How does identity apply then? Furthermore, many argue that it is simply a matter of individual choice. In the instance of a person’s sexual behavior, individuals choose how to satisfy their sexual appetites as they choose what will satisfy their stomachs. Like ice cream, one decides on a suitable flavor: vanilla or chocolate? Male or female?
Essentially, one can be left in a predicament when it comes identifying sexuality. It can appear to be given, biological, constructed, chosen, felt, social, and individual. Perhaps sexual identity is a fusion of all of these; a blending of science and environment; culture and choice; a complex synthesis that can explain sexual identity in its entirety, rather than relying on one plausible theory. But, no matter what the dominating opinion is about sexual identity, the very basis of it is structured ambiguously from start to finish. No set of roles, norms, or categories will ever be applicable enough to stand the test of time, as the perceptions of identity change from one era to the next.
Japan, like any country, has its own personal views about queer identity. While the country is moderately tolerant of queer behavior, many still find it abnormal. And in a country that is considerably tightlipped about expressing individuality, some queer Japanese just continue live quiet lives, unconcerned with the “coming out” process. Moreover, many Japanese do not see themselves as inherently different; or rather, they do not want to be different. How do we apply queer identity then?
So what is the conclusion? What is “queer identity?” There is no “right” or “wrong” answer. Perhaps what queer identity hopes to achieve is to encourage people to question the boundaries and limitations society has unknowingly placed upon themselves. That is to say, why do we follow these norms, and ultimately, why do they matter so much?
Modern Transgender Japan
The early 1950s brought about the development “gay bars”—bars hosted by transgender males known as “gay boys” that provided drinks and conversation to its homosexual clientele. By the 1960s, the clubs diversified to appeal to heterosexual customers interested in female-impersonations and floorshows staged by the gay boys. The word “gay boy” in itself was used frequently for transgender men until the 1980s when the words like “newhalf” and “Mr. Lady” appeared. Many transgender men during this time had gone past the use of female clothes and makeup to show their femininity, and began to take hormones or underwent surgery to gain breasts.
Transgender women have also involved themselves in the bars scene. Known as dansosha or “male-dressers,” they worked often as bartenders and hosts. They were expected to able to sing and dance, as well mix drinks and provide stimulating conversation for their customers. Their clientele was often a mixed assortment of people, some of which included lesbians.
Certainly Japan is more tolerant toward transgender people, perhaps in part to the influence kabuki and other cross-dressing forms of entertain had during the Tokugawa era. Like other queer television celebrities, some transgender celebrities have established themselves in the spotlight; Miwa Akihiro, a transgender female, offers a program on NHK-TV where she is consulted by everyday people for advice, reminiscent of the American “Dear Abby” columns. But life has not always been glamorous for transgender people. What is acceptable in the fantasy world, may not always apply to the real world. Pressures to conform to modern Japanese gender norms are still prevalent, and something many trans-people struggle with.
Recent changes to the legislation in Japan now allow the performance of gender-reassignment surgery for those diagnosed with sei doitsusei shogai (gender identity disorder), as well as providing those who have completed the surgery to change their registered sex on official documents. However, this has been somewhat criticized by the transgender community for being overly normative; that is, that the gender system is too rigid. Modern queer ideas about gender do not acknowledge that gender expression can be varied and multiple. This problem has been further enflamed by the legislation’s narrow view on how gender registration should be handled, as presently only unmarried individuals without children are allowed to legally change their sex status.
The Japan Times Online released an article on April 17, 2007, about Masae Torai, a transgender, female-to-male freelance writer who underwent sex change surgery and launched a series of lectures on gender related issues. His coming out as a transgender man in the mid 1990s sparked a wave of interest in Japan. He was also an influential figure in the 2004 sex change law, due to his firm campaigning for transgender people. Ultimately, however, he wants to convey the diversity of opinions within the Japanese transgender community. Torai claims that less than thirty percent need to undergo sex reassignment surgery, and that some are treated through hormone therapy. Still, others are simply satisfied by wearing male or female attire.
Kim Oswalt, an American psychotherapist in Japan, provides some of her views of transgender issues in the Kyoto Journal. In a more spiritual approach, she considers Shintoism and its shamanistic principles. “There are the gods of the mountains, the kitsune fox god, and the gods that live in trees, and even today Shinto priests offer prayers essentially asking for forgiveness from the tree spirits before they cut trees to build a house,” she mentions. And where as a monotheistic religion like Judeo-Christianity would foster the notion “wrong god” and “right god,” Shintoism considers the notion of balance. “But if your god is a god of the mountain, and mine is a god of the trees, we’re probably going to get along fine because mountains need trees and trees need mountains.” In this sense, transgender people are a component of Japanese society; they are not condemned, but are in mutual sin-free coexistence with the people around them.
One transgender male client of Oswalt’s dreaded over the prospect of having to confess his gender identity to his family. Born biologically as a female and working as a schoolteacher, his greatest concern was losing the intimacy he loved and shared with his family. One can probably understand the reasons for his fear. His family could after all reject his newly established gender identity, and outcast him as their deviant “daughter.” But, to the relief of the transgender man, his family appeared to be overall accepting. His mother was especially moved, recalled Oswalt.
“How you have been suffering and I didn’t know!” the mother said. “We just want you so much to be happy.”
Transgender women have also involved themselves in the bars scene. Known as dansosha or “male-dressers,” they worked often as bartenders and hosts. They were expected to able to sing and dance, as well mix drinks and provide stimulating conversation for their customers. Their clientele was often a mixed assortment of people, some of which included lesbians.
Certainly Japan is more tolerant toward transgender people, perhaps in part to the influence kabuki and other cross-dressing forms of entertain had during the Tokugawa era. Like other queer television celebrities, some transgender celebrities have established themselves in the spotlight; Miwa Akihiro, a transgender female, offers a program on NHK-TV where she is consulted by everyday people for advice, reminiscent of the American “Dear Abby” columns. But life has not always been glamorous for transgender people. What is acceptable in the fantasy world, may not always apply to the real world. Pressures to conform to modern Japanese gender norms are still prevalent, and something many trans-people struggle with.
Recent changes to the legislation in Japan now allow the performance of gender-reassignment surgery for those diagnosed with sei doitsusei shogai (gender identity disorder), as well as providing those who have completed the surgery to change their registered sex on official documents. However, this has been somewhat criticized by the transgender community for being overly normative; that is, that the gender system is too rigid. Modern queer ideas about gender do not acknowledge that gender expression can be varied and multiple. This problem has been further enflamed by the legislation’s narrow view on how gender registration should be handled, as presently only unmarried individuals without children are allowed to legally change their sex status.
The Japan Times Online released an article on April 17, 2007, about Masae Torai, a transgender, female-to-male freelance writer who underwent sex change surgery and launched a series of lectures on gender related issues. His coming out as a transgender man in the mid 1990s sparked a wave of interest in Japan. He was also an influential figure in the 2004 sex change law, due to his firm campaigning for transgender people. Ultimately, however, he wants to convey the diversity of opinions within the Japanese transgender community. Torai claims that less than thirty percent need to undergo sex reassignment surgery, and that some are treated through hormone therapy. Still, others are simply satisfied by wearing male or female attire.
Kim Oswalt, an American psychotherapist in Japan, provides some of her views of transgender issues in the Kyoto Journal. In a more spiritual approach, she considers Shintoism and its shamanistic principles. “There are the gods of the mountains, the kitsune fox god, and the gods that live in trees, and even today Shinto priests offer prayers essentially asking for forgiveness from the tree spirits before they cut trees to build a house,” she mentions. And where as a monotheistic religion like Judeo-Christianity would foster the notion “wrong god” and “right god,” Shintoism considers the notion of balance. “But if your god is a god of the mountain, and mine is a god of the trees, we’re probably going to get along fine because mountains need trees and trees need mountains.” In this sense, transgender people are a component of Japanese society; they are not condemned, but are in mutual sin-free coexistence with the people around them.
One transgender male client of Oswalt’s dreaded over the prospect of having to confess his gender identity to his family. Born biologically as a female and working as a schoolteacher, his greatest concern was losing the intimacy he loved and shared with his family. One can probably understand the reasons for his fear. His family could after all reject his newly established gender identity, and outcast him as their deviant “daughter.” But, to the relief of the transgender man, his family appeared to be overall accepting. His mother was especially moved, recalled Oswalt.
“How you have been suffering and I didn’t know!” the mother said. “We just want you so much to be happy.”
Questioning Gender in Japan
Questioning Gender
An interview with Japan-based psychotherapist Kim Oswalt
http://www.kyotojournal.org/kjselections/oswalt.html
Great journal article I'm reading right now about transgender issues in Japan and understanding gender identity.
An interview with Japan-based psychotherapist Kim Oswalt
http://www.kyotojournal.org/kjselections/oswalt.html
Great journal article I'm reading right now about transgender issues in Japan and understanding gender identity.
Saturday, April 18, 2009
Androgyny in Tokugawa Japan
It is difficult to apply “transgender” to Japanese queer history. The word “transgender” in itself can encompass a variety of meanings, some of which may apply to Japan. For the sake of simplicity, the American Heritage Dictionary defines “transgender” as “appearing as, wishing to be considered as, or having undergone surgery to become a member of the opposite sex.” In this regard, Japan has had a long history of androgyny and cross-dressing.
Tokugawa Japan was a period of relative peace. Still, there were new social problems to worry about: demographic imbalances, gang violence, the weakening of traditional lord-retainer relationships. And with no major wars, the samurai class lost much of their skill and martial spirit. With other concerns than war on of the minds of the Japanese, masculinity gradually diminished. Or rather, men were becoming effeminate.
Of course, this part of history was not just limited to men. Women were losing their “traditional virtues” of modesty some critics of the time believed. No longer did they blush and shyly glance away from erotic theatrical performances, but stare on in fascination. No longer were women bitterly weeping at the prospect of leaving home for marriage, but anticipating the joys of consummating their new union. And many classes of women took up smoking tobacco, once deemed only suitable for men and prostitutes. Of course, in any male centric society where women participate in male oriented events and engage in manly habits, there are always the conservative few who shake their heads in disgust and disapproval.
But the feminization of the male and the masculinization of the female were not wholly condemned. Throughout the Tokugawa period, many within the samurai and the commoner society accepted androgyny, as well as had a great interest in it. In fact, samurai and commoners often celebrated female role actors in theatre; the performers played upon the audiences’ appetite for gendering blending. Both men and women patronized many of these cross-dressing performers as prostitutes. Laws were eventually established to discourage male prostitutes from visiting the homes of women, some of which were extended to cross-dressers.
In the world of erotic art, there are many depictions of women and female-role actor-prostitutes in some curious situations. In one woodblock print, a man’s mistress was making love to a cross-dressing actor until the woman’s master joins them in their copulation in a bisexual-transgender ménage-a-trois. It was a common sexual fantasy for many Tokugawa men (and possibly women) during this time.
Their attractiveness, at least from the female-actor male-prostitute’s perspective, was their gender ambiguity. They were able to play and bend into both worlds that few could really master. Female-role actors were able to articulate their emotions like women, but have the assertiveness of a man, resulting in a titillating blend of the masculine and the feminine; male and female. A male actor could only express the ideal woman in some Japanese minds.
Of course, the same could possibly be said for cross-dressing females. One establishment in Osaka during the Tokugawa period introduced “boyish courtesans” who imitated the appearance of boy prostitutes. In a similar fashion, a type of female dancer-prostitute appeared around the same time; young girls who shaved their foreheads, and acted and dressed like adult males. They were often seen with women as drinking companions, wearing traditional manly garb and carrying a sword.
Tokugawa Japan was a period of relative peace. Still, there were new social problems to worry about: demographic imbalances, gang violence, the weakening of traditional lord-retainer relationships. And with no major wars, the samurai class lost much of their skill and martial spirit. With other concerns than war on of the minds of the Japanese, masculinity gradually diminished. Or rather, men were becoming effeminate.
Of course, this part of history was not just limited to men. Women were losing their “traditional virtues” of modesty some critics of the time believed. No longer did they blush and shyly glance away from erotic theatrical performances, but stare on in fascination. No longer were women bitterly weeping at the prospect of leaving home for marriage, but anticipating the joys of consummating their new union. And many classes of women took up smoking tobacco, once deemed only suitable for men and prostitutes. Of course, in any male centric society where women participate in male oriented events and engage in manly habits, there are always the conservative few who shake their heads in disgust and disapproval.
But the feminization of the male and the masculinization of the female were not wholly condemned. Throughout the Tokugawa period, many within the samurai and the commoner society accepted androgyny, as well as had a great interest in it. In fact, samurai and commoners often celebrated female role actors in theatre; the performers played upon the audiences’ appetite for gendering blending. Both men and women patronized many of these cross-dressing performers as prostitutes. Laws were eventually established to discourage male prostitutes from visiting the homes of women, some of which were extended to cross-dressers.
In the world of erotic art, there are many depictions of women and female-role actor-prostitutes in some curious situations. In one woodblock print, a man’s mistress was making love to a cross-dressing actor until the woman’s master joins them in their copulation in a bisexual-transgender ménage-a-trois. It was a common sexual fantasy for many Tokugawa men (and possibly women) during this time.
Their attractiveness, at least from the female-actor male-prostitute’s perspective, was their gender ambiguity. They were able to play and bend into both worlds that few could really master. Female-role actors were able to articulate their emotions like women, but have the assertiveness of a man, resulting in a titillating blend of the masculine and the feminine; male and female. A male actor could only express the ideal woman in some Japanese minds.
Of course, the same could possibly be said for cross-dressing females. One establishment in Osaka during the Tokugawa period introduced “boyish courtesans” who imitated the appearance of boy prostitutes. In a similar fashion, a type of female dancer-prostitute appeared around the same time; young girls who shaved their foreheads, and acted and dressed like adult males. They were often seen with women as drinking companions, wearing traditional manly garb and carrying a sword.
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