Strives for Victory

New Blog

2009-05-25T21:36:00.003-04:00

For those interested in keeping up with my antics, please look into my new blog. I will be using it very often to update everyone on my progress.

Off a Mountain, On an Island

I hope to continue to shed more light on the "queer experience" in Japan.

I look forward to seeing everyone there!

お別れのポスト・A Farewell Post

2009-04-27T12:09:00.006-04:00

It has been a fun ride.

I have not only finished my presentation, but I have also completed my research paper. I have a few other loose ends to tie up before I can graduate, but I have greatly enjoyed writing about this topic! It was initially difficult, like any big project, but once I mapped out the direction, everything fell into place.

I originally thought this blog would not be very useful in my research. Thankfully, I was wrong. I have received some great feedback from not only teachers and classmates, but from other bloggers interested in queer sexuality and gender. It was a pleasant surprise and encourages me to continue working within this kind of topic in the future.

As for now, I do not have intentions of writing on this particular blog for awhile. Currently, I am in the process of trying to become an English teacher in Japan. I hope to work there for a few years and to concentrate more on my Japanese (which still needs some improvement, I think). In the meantime, please look forward to another upcoming blog about my life in Japan. I will make a final post on this blog to clarify where everyone can find it.

Until then, wish me luck. You'll see me again!

Nick

Introduction

2009-04-24T16:09:00.001-04:00

“Homophobia,” a relatively modern word that implies hatred toward queer sexuality and behaviors, has been a sore issue in the West. Byrne Fone of Homophobia writes:

Homophobia seems to be especially virulent in, and perhaps even unique to, Western culture. Studies of sexual behavior in other cultures, past and present, have rarely discovered the social, legal, moral, or religious disapproval of homosexual behavior common to so many eras of Western history. Indeed, in modern Western society, where racism is disapproved, anti-Semitism is condemned, and misogyny has lost legitimacy, homophobia remains, perhaps the last acceptable prejudice.

These are strong words to describe Western attitudes, but there is some truth behind Fone’s criticism. North America has been especially critical toward queer sexuality and behaviors, encouraging negative stereotypes of queers as disease mongering sexual deviants who flaunt an unacceptable “sinful” lifestyle. While the perception of queers has changed considerably on a global scale, there are still unfavorable views that linger in the minds of many Westerners.

On the other side of the spectrum, the East has been considerably tolerant toward queer sexuality and behaviors. The Japanese especially have many historical references ranging from art to literature that depict a variety of queer relationships and gender roles among men and women. While modern Japan is strikingly different from its traditional past, it continues to uphold a significant amount of tolerance toward its queer population, despite the country’s Western influences. How the country has maintained its tolerance can be explained through a variety of methods, whether historically, religiously, or sociologically.

Queer Activism in Japan

2009-04-22T12:51:00.005-04:00

Early queer activist movements in Japan occurred mostly through the efforts of lesbian feminist who sought to build community ties through politics instead of just sexual attraction. Having been inspired by American feminist movements, many Japanese women of the 1970s of both heterosexual and homosexual orientations wanted to establish a stronger voice within their society and to stand up against an oppressive patriarchal system. While some of the activist communities provided an opportunity for women to socialize and to meet other women-loving women, they were often places for women to just simply “be themselves” and to withdraw from the heterosexual world.

Gay men, on the other hand, continued to remain in the bars and developed their small communities there. This is not to say that there have not been attempts to vocalize their community publicly, but with no overt oppressions such as police raids, antisodomy laws, and homophobic violence like those that plagued Western countries, gay Japanese men had little reason to organize collectively for a mutual cause.

In the 1980s and the early 1990s, the AIDS epidemic was a major catalyst for gay men to finally come forward about their sexuality. In cooperation with lesbian and heterosexual women, many events were organized to spread awareness about the disease such as the AIDS Candlelight Parades in the month of May and International AIDS Day in December. AIDS, as terrible as it was, allowed the chance for queer Japanese of all kinds to work together for a common goal and to participate politically to stop the infectious outbreak from spreading any further.

Postwar Japan

2009-04-21T22:23:00.005-04:00

Postwar Japan loosened many of its conservative notions on sex and gender, which in turn sparked more interest in sexual activities other than procreation. Pulp magazines like Modern Couple and Perfecting Coupledom arose to encourage heterosexual couples to enhance their sex lives and to fulfill their sexual desires. Some of these pulp magazines in the early 1950s also began to deal with sexual practices outside of what was considered “normal,” allowing readers to indulge in their “queer” interests.

Many of these “perverted” publications that pandered to queer curiosity generally concentrated on male homosexuality and cross-dressing—female homosexuality appeared to be just a mere afterthought in most cases. Of course, when nearly all the magazines’ editors and contributors were male, women had an exceedingly difficult time letting their opinions and experiences be heard. There were attempts to increase the voice of women who loved women in these magazines in the 1950s, but by the 1960s, material that was published relating to lesbian behavior became increasingly pornographic and began catering to a heterosexual readership base. Since women were essentially pushed out from participating in these publications, the bar world continued to be their main source of contact and community formation.

Interestingly, while the pornographic “lesbian” figure rose in popularity in the perverse press of the 1960s, interest in male homosexuality gradually declined. However, these articles did not entirely disappear, as some of the key writers of these magazines continued to do research and write on the subject. But, even though the writings had greatly diminished during the 60s, the 1970s saw the emergence of exclusive publications dedicated to male homosexuality.

Sigh

2009-04-21T12:13:00.002-04:00

I'm kind of stressed out at the moment. As the last semester comes to a close, it's hard to keep balance on what things need to get done.

It was kind of a slap in the face for me today when I realized how neglectful I've been in my other studies. I feel like I could be doing so much better, but now I just want to be done with all of this. No more papers, no more assignments.

I guess we'll see how this all plays out. Regardless, I'll keep posting my research on here about queer Japan. Just disappointed is all.

Wish me luck.

What is Queer Identity?

2009-04-19T22:55:00.004-04:00

Many in Western queer communities embrace the idea that there is scientific proof waiting to be discovered; evidence that will free them from negative judgment and silence their opponents attacking their “perverse lifestyle.” Additionally, queers frequently discuss their coming out experiences, usually describing them as a painful process of accepting their individual fate, and revealing their circumstances to others. In this way, they are expressing their true biological identity.

Still, some scholars question biological predisposition. What about outside, environmental influences? Are individual desires even powerful enough to risk their social stability? And then one has to consider the culture of said identity that it developed in. Are certain behaviors encouraged or discouraged in that particular culture? How does identity apply then? Furthermore, many argue that it is simply a matter of individual choice. In the instance of a person’s sexual behavior, individuals choose how to satisfy their sexual appetites as they choose what will satisfy their stomachs. Like ice cream, one decides on a suitable flavor: vanilla or chocolate? Male or female?

Essentially, one can be left in a predicament when it comes identifying sexuality. It can appear to be given, biological, constructed, chosen, felt, social, and individual. Perhaps sexual identity is a fusion of all of these; a blending of science and environment; culture and choice; a complex synthesis that can explain sexual identity in its entirety, rather than relying on one plausible theory. But, no matter what the dominating opinion is about sexual identity, the very basis of it is structured ambiguously from start to finish. No set of roles, norms, or categories will ever be applicable enough to stand the test of time, as the perceptions of identity change from one era to the next.

Japan, like any country, has its own personal views about queer identity. While the country is moderately tolerant of queer behavior, many still find it abnormal. And in a country that is considerably tightlipped about expressing individuality, some queer Japanese just continue live quiet lives, unconcerned with the “coming out” process. Moreover, many Japanese do not see themselves as inherently different; or rather, they do not want to be different. How do we apply queer identity then?

So what is the conclusion? What is “queer identity?” There is no “right” or “wrong” answer. Perhaps what queer identity hopes to achieve is to encourage people to question the boundaries and limitations society has unknowingly placed upon themselves. That is to say, why do we follow these norms, and ultimately, why do they matter so much?

Modern Transgender Japan

2009-04-19T15:09:00.007-04:00

The early 1950s brought about the development “gay bars”—bars hosted by transgender males known as “gay boys” that provided drinks and conversation to its homosexual clientele. By the 1960s, the clubs diversified to appeal to heterosexual customers interested in female-impersonations and floorshows staged by the gay boys. The word “gay boy” in itself was used frequently for transgender men until the 1980s when the words like “newhalf” and “Mr. Lady” appeared. Many transgender men during this time had gone past the use of female clothes and makeup to show their femininity, and began to take hormones or underwent surgery to gain breasts.

Transgender women have also involved themselves in the bars scene. Known as dansosha or “male-dressers,” they worked often as bartenders and hosts. They were expected to able to sing and dance, as well mix drinks and provide stimulating conversation for their customers. Their clientele was often a mixed assortment of people, some of which included lesbians.

Certainly Japan is more tolerant toward transgender people, perhaps in part to the influence kabuki and other cross-dressing forms of entertain had during the Tokugawa era. Like other queer television celebrities, some transgender celebrities have established themselves in the spotlight; Miwa Akihiro, a transgender female, offers a program on NHK-TV where she is consulted by everyday people for advice, reminiscent of the American “Dear Abby” columns. But life has not always been glamorous for transgender people. What is acceptable in the fantasy world, may not always apply to the real world. Pressures to conform to modern Japanese gender norms are still prevalent, and something many trans-people struggle with.

Recent changes to the legislation in Japan now allow the performance of gender-reassignment surgery for those diagnosed with sei doitsusei shogai (gender identity disorder), as well as providing those who have completed the surgery to change their registered sex on official documents. However, this has been somewhat criticized by the transgender community for being overly normative; that is, that the gender system is too rigid. Modern queer ideas about gender do not acknowledge that gender expression can be varied and multiple. This problem has been further enflamed by the legislation’s narrow view on how gender registration should be handled, as presently only unmarried individuals without children are allowed to legally change their sex status.

The Japan Times Online released an article on April 17, 2007, about Masae Torai, a transgender, female-to-male freelance writer who underwent sex change surgery and launched a series of lectures on gender related issues. His coming out as a transgender man in the mid 1990s sparked a wave of interest in Japan. He was also an influential figure in the 2004 sex change law, due to his firm campaigning for transgender people. Ultimately, however, he wants to convey the diversity of opinions within the Japanese transgender community. Torai claims that less than thirty percent need to undergo sex reassignment surgery, and that some are treated through hormone therapy. Still, others are simply satisfied by wearing male or female attire.

Kim Oswalt, an American psychotherapist in Japan, provides some of her views of transgender issues in the Kyoto Journal. In a more spiritual approach, she considers Shintoism and its shamanistic principles. “There are the gods of the mountains, the kitsune fox god, and the gods that live in trees, and even today Shinto priests offer prayers essentially asking for forgiveness from the tree spirits before they cut trees to build a house,” she mentions. And where as a monotheistic religion like Judeo-Christianity would foster the notion “wrong god” and “right god,” Shintoism considers the notion of balance. “But if your god is a god of the mountain, and mine is a god of the trees, we’re probably going to get along fine because mountains need trees and trees need mountains.” In this sense, transgender people are a component of Japanese society; they are not condemned, but are in mutual sin-free coexistence with the people around them.

One transgender male client of Oswalt’s dreaded over the prospect of having to confess his gender identity to his family. Born biologically as a female and working as a schoolteacher, his greatest concern was losing the intimacy he loved and shared with his family. One can probably understand the reasons for his fear. His family could after all reject his newly established gender identity, and outcast him as their deviant “daughter.” But, to the relief of the transgender man, his family appeared to be overall accepting. His mother was especially moved, recalled Oswalt.

“How you have been suffering and I didn’t know!” the mother said. “We just want you so much to be happy.”

Questioning Gender in Japan

2009-04-19T11:14:00.001-04:00

Questioning Gender
An interview with Japan-based psychotherapist Kim Oswalt
http://www.kyotojournal.org/kjselections/oswalt.html

Great journal article I'm reading right now about transgender issues in Japan and understanding gender identity.

Androgyny in Tokugawa Japan

2009-04-18T22:50:00.003-04:00

It is difficult to apply “transgender” to Japanese queer history. The word “transgender” in itself can encompass a variety of meanings, some of which may apply to Japan. For the sake of simplicity, the American Heritage Dictionary defines “transgender” as “appearing as, wishing to be considered as, or having undergone surgery to become a member of the opposite sex.” In this regard, Japan has had a long history of androgyny and cross-dressing.

Tokugawa Japan was a period of relative peace. Still, there were new social problems to worry about: demographic imbalances, gang violence, the weakening of traditional lord-retainer relationships. And with no major wars, the samurai class lost much of their skill and martial spirit. With other concerns than war on of the minds of the Japanese, masculinity gradually diminished. Or rather, men were becoming effeminate.

Of course, this part of history was not just limited to men. Women were losing their “traditional virtues” of modesty some critics of the time believed. No longer did they blush and shyly glance away from erotic theatrical performances, but stare on in fascination. No longer were women bitterly weeping at the prospect of leaving home for marriage, but anticipating the joys of consummating their new union. And many classes of women took up smoking tobacco, once deemed only suitable for men and prostitutes. Of course, in any male centric society where women participate in male oriented events and engage in manly habits, there are always the conservative few who shake their heads in disgust and disapproval.

But the feminization of the male and the masculinization of the female were not wholly condemned. Throughout the Tokugawa period, many within the samurai and the commoner society accepted androgyny, as well as had a great interest in it. In fact, samurai and commoners often celebrated female role actors in theatre; the performers played upon the audiences’ appetite for gendering blending. Both men and women patronized many of these cross-dressing performers as prostitutes. Laws were eventually established to discourage male prostitutes from visiting the homes of women, some of which were extended to cross-dressers.

In the world of erotic art, there are many depictions of women and female-role actor-prostitutes in some curious situations. In one woodblock print, a man’s mistress was making love to a cross-dressing actor until the woman’s master joins them in their copulation in a bisexual-transgender ménage-a-trois. It was a common sexual fantasy for many Tokugawa men (and possibly women) during this time.

Their attractiveness, at least from the female-actor male-prostitute’s perspective, was their gender ambiguity. They were able to play and bend into both worlds that few could really master. Female-role actors were able to articulate their emotions like women, but have the assertiveness of a man, resulting in a titillating blend of the masculine and the feminine; male and female. A male actor could only express the ideal woman in some Japanese minds.

Of course, the same could possibly be said for cross-dressing females. One establishment in Osaka during the Tokugawa period introduced “boyish courtesans” who imitated the appearance of boy prostitutes. In a similar fashion, a type of female dancer-prostitute appeared around the same time; young girls who shaved their foreheads, and acted and dressed like adult males. They were often seen with women as drinking companions, wearing traditional manly garb and carrying a sword.

Interview Part Three (Final)

2009-04-18T14:54:00.007-04:00

The couple was brought back together for the final portion of the interview. The Japanese woman was called from her room and she took her place on the couch again beside her American partner.

The first question was very general and dealt with how long they were together. There was a long pause, as if they had completely lost track of time when it came to their relationship. The American woman finally spoke up, somewhat unsure of how long they had actually been together.

“Eight years?” she said. She looked to her partner for confirmation.

“Really?” the Japanese woman questioned.

“Really!” the American woman insisted.

They humorously argued about the length of their relationship, trying to remember when they first met and measuring the time since then. Finally, they settled on seven years and eleven months. They originally met at a library in Michigan and were already somewhat acquainted with each other by then. But, gradually, after attending a few social gatherings with friends did their interactions with each other solidify into a relationship. The American smiled the most while she was talking, remembering their encounters.

When asked if they were publicly open about their relationship in Japan and in America, the American woman looked to her partner again. The Japanese woman sort of grinned and blurted out, “You don’t have to look at me every time!”

“I don’t want to give the wrong answer,” said the American woman. “Well, I’m not to my classmates.”

The American woman, due to the conservative environment of her educational profession, feels uncomfortable being out about her relationship. Some people in her field of work are very vocal about "gay" and "lesbian" teachers, and that any queer teachers educating or guiding students should strictly follow a “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” policy.

The Japanese woman chuckled at her partner’s description. The field of psychology is a much different world, she finds. “We are not necessarily the most open people, but we don’t have the most super religious people in the Psych. Department. If they have very strong religious views, they can’t study psychology.” For her profession, she is rather comfortable in her environment, and commented saying that she is open to many of her classmates about her relationship. Still, being open about her relationship has put her in an awkward position, as she is often pressured to promote diversity and attend cultural diversity programs.

Very little was said about the social gatherings they attended that were queer related in Japan. They mentioned about a club they went to, but otherwise they never involved themselves too much in large GLBTQ events. The American woman, however, claims that some Japanese like to attend these functions and would travel to great lengths to attend them. Perhaps it just not what they like to do, being somewhat older now and concerned less about the bar and club scenes. Much of their time has been spent creating smaller group outings and meeting the occasional online friend.

A long-standing issue that has made their relationship somewhat difficult due to cultural differences has been how to deal with family. The problem originally stemmed from how to be open about their relationship with family members. As stated earlier, the American woman is open to her family while the Japanese woman is not. Some years ago, the American woman was pressured by her family to encourage her Japanese partner to come out; that if the Japanese woman really loved and cared for her partner back, she would confess to her family that she is in a lesbian relationship. They couple stresses that this is not necessarily the case anymore, but the American woman remembers a time when she wondered if her partner really cared about their relationship. Visiting her Japanese partner’s family home in Niigata, the American woman remembered the difficult times she had keeping their relationship a secret.

“All of a sudden, our relationship would be nonexistent. Overnight. It was incredibly disturbing for me.”

The Japanese woman’s family continues to accept her partner into their home, even after all the years they have been together. Not once have they addressed the issue of sexuality about their daughter. Instead, they continue to push for their daughter to get married, questioning if she has met anyone and what her plans for marriage are. They also ask the same about her American partner. The couple just attempt to change the subject, and so far that is how they cope.

Another disagreement they had was over the issue of having children. The American woman seemed especially interested in having a child. The Japanese woman was a little more hesitant, commenting on her partner’s recent interest in artificial insemination. Still, she asserted that she is not ready to start a family.

“No, no. I’m not there yet. If I have or you have a baby, who’s gonna be the parent? And how am I going to explain to my parents? So, maybe it’s an understandable approach to having a new family for Americans, but not for Japanese, I don’t think.”

“There’s only one place you can get it done in Japan,” the American woman chimed in. “In Tokyo.” Both agreed that only a few heterosexual couples ever consider artificial insemination and very rarely, if ever, do homosexual couples do artificial insemination.

Presently, they are thinking of a nice cat and dog instead.

When asked if they ever experienced any negative attitudes toward their relationship in America and Japan, they took a very long pause. Nothing seemed to immediately come to mind. Suddenly, a light bulb flickered in the their minds and they remembered one odd incident in Japan addressing their relationship status. They laughed thinking about it, but both agreed it was an unusual occurrence.

Apparently, the American woman was terrified of a giant spider that was crawling through their apartment. Her partner, unable to capture and remove the arachnid intruder, was somehow coerced into staying at a love hotel in the meantime until the spider could be dealt with the next day. Love hotels, as one can guess, are slightly cheaper hotels that cater to couples for one-night romantic flings. Since the couple didn't own a car, and since the trains were going to stop running soon, their options for hotels were somewhat limited. The American woman, refusing to spend another night at the apartment until the spider was gone, gave in and purchased a room.

From their description, they were heading up to the elevator, keys in hand, when a woman stopped them. “You can’t. You can’t stay because you’re two girls.” Needless to say they were a little stunned. Turned down, they ended up having to stay at another love hotel instead.

The Japanese woman offered an explanation.

“I read one Japanese website about why some love hotels reject some homosexual couples. And this is just one story from an owner of one love hotel, but he was saying that if the probability that the customer or the couple causes some problem, it’s out of one of a hundred couples. But in homosexual couples’ case, the base rate is so low, like thirty couples, if one causes a problem, it’s one out of thirty.”

Some logic on the owner’s part is missing here, but it does provide some insight into how certain businesses might handle queer encounters. Most hotels are, after all, trying to make money, so generally couples are not turned away. But there appears to be a few exceptions, with at least one business believing statistically queers cause more problems than “normal” customers. Nonetheless, the couple both feels there is no solid explanation for the woman's reaction, and suggested looking online for “gay-friendly” love hotels when in doubt.

Finally, they were asked if they thought Japan was becoming more accepting of queer issues due to recent Western opinions of sexuality, they both had differing ideas.

“I think we used to be even more accepting about homosexuality until we started incorporating some Western culture. Homosexuality was everywhere before,” the Japanese woman said. She proceeded to refer to a certain Japanese politician who was a lesbian and how she promoted queer causes. Perhaps queer Japan is simply just reemerging after being suppressed by Western influences. Her American partner thought a little differently, however. She believes that Japan has been observing the United States and other modern civilized countries, and is merely mimicking world attitudes.

Both seemed to agree that the Japanese have always disliked deviant behavior, particularly the older generations. Of course, their opinion is rather questionable considering their limited knowledge of Japanese history, and the influence the Meiji Restoration has had on previous generations. Regardless of their limited scope, they feel that many Japanese see queer sexuality as a behavior and not a lifestyle. Anyone can have queer sex, but to identify as queer and to exclusively have queer sex is abnormal.

Interview Part Two

2009-04-17T17:52:00.011-04:00

After thanking the Japanese woman for her time, her American partner was called out. The Japanese woman departed to her room and waited for her turn again. The American woman took a seat on the couch as her partner did before. She read the consent form and had the rules explained to her. She nodded and understood, and appeared otherwise happy to participate.

She is a United States citizen who was originally born in Indiana. Later, when she was 16, she moved to Michigan along with her family. Still, much of her early life was spent in a conservative, wealthy suburban area near Indianapolis. A resort area was just nearby; a type of city that attracted the well to do. Eventually, her grandparents in Michigan offered her mother a job. The family moved away from the suburban luxury of Indiana to a “boring” part of Michigan as she recalled, but insisted it was a good move. They were troubled times for her in school when she lived in Indiana, so a transition to a new town was something that she may have needed to change her life around. She became more involved in theatre, and since the school was smaller than her previous one, she had the opportunity to obtain better theatrical roles. Maybe in this way she got the attention she felt she was lacking back in Indiana.

She grinned and shyly smiled when asked about her sexuality. She currently identified as a lesbian. When asked when she realized she was a lesbian, she paused but quickly provided an answer. “Sometime between late middle school, early high school,” she responded. To confirm about her sexual preferences, she was asked if she had any relationships with men. She responded that she had been involved with a few men during high school and during college. She was once engaged to a Japanese man in her college years in the hopes of overcoming her interest in women. However, their engagement came to an end when she confessed to her fiance about having persistent dreams involving women and her attraction to them.**

Unlike her Japanese partner, she is out to her family as lesbian, save but her grandfather who is considered to be “incredibly conservative.” The terrorist attacks during September 11th were punishments by God brought on by homosexuals, she remembered him saying. Despite her grandfather, her family has been otherwise very accepting towards her and her relationship with her Japanese partner.

When asked about queer relatives, she mentioned of two uncles belonging to her father that were considered to be gay. She was unaware if they were still alive, and appeared to know very little about them other than what they were suspected to be. In addition to her great-uncles, her father also had a few gay friends in Indianapolis, a city that she thought was moderately “gay-friendly.” Otherwise, she did not know of any immediate family members that identified as queer.

Her conservative roots seemed to show she was asked about the importance of her sexual identity, and she thought long and hard about her answer. Much of her college life was spent hiding her romantic interest in women; she struggled often to suppress it. “I just kept it quiet,” she said. “It’s just not a huge part of me.” While perhaps her sexuality is not an influential part of her life, one wonders if she experienced a sense of loneliness during this time. Clearly she felt like she was different, yet she did not reach out to anyone who could relate to her.

While her sexuality may have been kept on the back burner, the country of Japan and its culture has been greatly involved in her life. She was an avid student of the Japanese language and was involved in study abroad programs, and was even lucky enough to land an internship in Tokyo. When she finally returned the States to finish her undergraduate degree, she pursued a teaching career through the JET Program (Japanese Exchange & Teaching). She was involved with JET for one year, and continued to teach at other schools in Japan as an English teacher.

But something changed within her when she went to Japan to work. She began to actively seek out others like her in the queer community, joining GLBTQ organizations within JET and attending queer social gatherings in major cities like Tokyo and Osaka. She visited a variety of bars and clubs, and when her new friends learned of her past theatre experience, they encouraged her to join a takarazuka theatre troupe, an all-female theatrical group, where she attended weekly meetings and practices. As she immersed herself in a new foreign culture, perhaps she did not feel so alone in Japan as she had in America.

Some questions were asked about the Japanese media and the impact queer culture has had on it. Recently she claims to have noticed on Japanese TV that the prevalence of queers has increased. She laughed, fondly remembering of one comedian named Kaba-chan who was an over the top, flamboyantly effeminate man that made the audience roar with laughter over his antics. She also recalled another male celebrity, although she failed to mention who or what he was known for, that was being interviewed on television and was suspected of being gay. The interviewer absent-mindedly asked him if he had intentions of getting married, to which he responded, “Yes, when same-sex marriage is legalized.” From the American woman’s description, the interviewer was initially caught off guard by the celebrity’s bluntness, but proceeded asking the rest of her questions.

She, like her partner, realizes that queer sexuality is often discussed about on Japanese TV and other forms of entertainment, but it is a matter that goes unspoken in public; that is, it is an understood aspect of human nature. But human nature or not, it is a behavior that deviates from the rest of “normal” modern Japanese society, and it must be either ignored or dismissed. She later mentions that none of her Japanese friends ever asked questions about her relationship with her Japanese partner, nor why she is attracted to women.

As the interview came to a close with the American woman, she was asked if she had any final things to say about queer culture in Japan. To summarize, she felt like there is a lack of lesbian representation in the media. While there are certainly many male celebrities coming out and identifying themselves as “gay,” very rarely do women come out and identify themselves as “lesbian.” Perhaps this is because women are pressured to follow more cultural rules than men, although this was never clarified. Whatever the case may be, the interview provided interesting insight into the two contradicting sides of Japan; the fantasy world of entertainment, which openly flaunts queer life, and the real world of traditions, where cultural rules and customs must be followed for the good of society.

**An edit due to a misunderstanding. She believed that I was asking if she is currently attracted to men. When the question was later clarified, she informed me of past relationships with men and her engagement. However, she does confirm that she identifies as a lesbian and is only attracted to women.

Interview Part One

2009-04-17T00:14:00.007-04:00

On Monday, April 13, 2009, a lesbian couple was interviewed to discuss their views on sexuality, and the impact it had on their lives both in and outside of Japan. The interview provided an interesting perspective from two cultures, as the couple consisted of one Japanese woman and one American woman, the two being roughly close to 30. The interviews were conducted by separating the couple for the first portion of the session, and were eventually brought back together to see how their views matched. For privacy reasons and at the couple’s request, their names are not being released and will remain anonymous throughout this research paper.

After a polite greeting with the couple at their home, they were initially surprised when they were told they were going to be separated. The American women jokingly commented that this was a serious interview, and it was, for all intents and purposes. After agreeing who was to go first, the American woman decided to go second. She quickly went to her bedroom for the time being and patiently wanted until it was her turn. The Japanese woman had a familiar calm, quite demeanor. She sat down on the living room couch and glanced over the consent forms that she was requested to read. After the terms were carefully explained to her, the interview finally began.

She was born in Japan in the Niigata prefecture, a territory located on the northwest side of the country. She grew up in a moderately big city, roughly holding about 70,000 people. Some of her fondest memories of Niigata related back to her traditional grandparents; they were both devout Buddhists who were involved in temple life. She hesitated calling them religious, a concept rather unfamiliar to the Japanese. But whatever the case may be for her grandparents, they seemed influential in her life, as she recalls occasions of praying at the temple, and attending its many festivals.

The questions about sexuality appeared somewhat difficult for her. Not so much that she did not want to answer them, but that she just did not know how to. When asked if she knew of anyone close to her that identified as queer before she had labeled her own sexuality, she paused and considered it. The question was intended to include family, friends, and classmates, but she merely shook her head.

“No, nobody,” she finally responded.

There was no one “out” to her, apparently. No one talked about queer related issues in the environment she grew up in. Later in the interview, she vaguely recollects a comedian on TV who was portraying an effeminate homosexual man. However, she had no concept of what homosexuality was at the time, being so young. To her, his behavior was just a joke; it was not a part of real life. This use of sexuality reached farther than comedy, however. Many of the Japanese comics her friends encouraged her to read contained young gay men as protagonists. But again, they were a part of a fantasy world; people that had nothing to do with her reality.

Eventually the interview attempted to focus more on her and her identity through sexuality. When asked what she labeled her sexuality as, she replied “bisexual,” a rather ironic response considering the rampant bisexuality of Tokugawa Japan. Interestingly, while she was able to immediately label her sexuality, she had a considerably hard time pinpointing when she realized she was bisexual.

“That’s a tricky question,” she quietly chuckled to herself. “When I was 19. I think I was sort of attracted to men and women, male and female. But I didn’t think that was bisexuality.”

After she went to England to attend school, only then did she realize she was attracted romantically to women. Upon her return to Japan, she understood herself to be possibly bisexual. For her, that is where it ends. She does not feel any sense of importance about her bisexuality. Or rather, it does not hold any significance in her life, and in her opinion, has always been a part of her and who she is. Admittedly, she has not told her family about her bisexuality, but has confided in friends who otherwise accept her through and through.

When asked why she had told her friends but not her family, she appeared to have some sort of prepared answer. “The concept of homosexuality is not in my dad’s mind,” she laughed. “It doesn’t exist. Or my grandma’s.”

Still, one should not underestimate a mother’s intuition. While she suspects her mother is aware of her relationship with her American partner, the mother has not pursued in asking questions about it, perhaps because she would be devastated by the truth.

Unsurprisingly, in a country that does not openly talk about queer sexuality, there are relatively few words to negatively describe the behavior (if the words they do have are even remotely considered negative). When asked about certain names or stereotypes about queers, she tilted her head and wondered. Eventually, words like “okama” and “onabe” came to mind; “okama” being used to describe effeminate men, and “onabe” being used to describe masculine women. Still, these words are missing an element of sexuality. While they are certainly negative, these words are speaking about the physical actions of a person, not necessarily their sexuality.

One of the most sensitive questions she had to answer was about her struggle with marriage and family. She chuckled quietly at first when asked if she ever felt obligated to get married for her family’s sake and to bare children. But something appeared to shift in her; she sunk in herself, remembering something.

“Yes, yes, yes…” she timidly replied.

A year or two after her relationship started with her partner, she thought about it often, as it was her family’s expectation to be married. It was a struggle; to pursue her love interest or to oblige her family’s wish. Time has suppressed her anguish, however. She does not necessarily need to be married to a man, she believes, and she is still young enough to have children if she wanted to. These are her comforting thoughts for now. But it is hard to say what the future will bring, at least presently.

To move the interview in a lighter direction, she was asked if she had attended any queer social gatherings in Japan. While some events did exist for the GLBTQ community in the country, particularly in major cities like Tokyo, they were far and few in between. She had never attended the Pride festival in Tokyo, and only visited a handful of lesbian bars. Her experiences in large gatherings were limited, but she does provide more insight into the social lives of Japanese queers in a follow-up interview.

As one can imagine, the queer issues in Japan are nothing like the ones in America. In her perspective, Americans are much more concerned about their sexuality. Rather they feel they must take sides, a move that creates a conflicting dichotomy of anti-queer and pro-queer groups. There is very little middle ground, she comments. But such polar ideas about sexuality do not exist in Japan. She offers a variety of reasons, explaining that maybe the Japanese just have better things to worry about; sex, whatever kind it may be, is just a consequence of human nature. Or perhaps the Japanese just simply focus on the quality of the person.

To conclude the first interview, she was asked to speak about her thoughts on sexuality and to freely mention things about Japan that were not discussed. Most importantly, she wanted to convey that Japan’s view on sexuality is very open, at least compared to American standards. Porn is widely available, some even purchasable from vending machines. Ultimately, sex is nothing to be ashamed of is the heart of her message.

“It’s a part of our lives.”

Early-Modern Sexology

2009-04-15T19:35:00.003-04:00

In the closing decades of the nineteenth century, Japanese intellectuals were traveling and borrowing extensively from the West. The novelist Mori Ogai became one of the most influential people during this time. He was a military doctor who spent several years as a student in Berlin and helped assist in the spread of foreign ideas about sexuality. His novel Vita Sexualis, published in 1909, was one of the first instances to take the “sexuality” of its protagonist as its central theme.

From the end of the Meiji period, particularly drawing from theorists like Sigmund Freud, ideas of “perverse” or “queer” desire began to circulate in popular magazines that promoted the improvement of public morals in pursuit of “civilization and enlightenment.” Nanshoku and the transgender practices associated with male prostitution were portrayed as feudal; rather, it was labeled as “uncivilized” and were behaviors that needed to be eradicated.

Doseiai (“same-sex love”), “do” meaning “same,” “sei” meaning “sex” or “gender,” and “ai” meaning “love” or “affection,” was the most popular term during the Taisho period (1912-1926). Borrowed from the European concept of “homosexuality,” it allowed the Japanese to categorize same-sex romantic and physical relationships of both men and women, and meanwhile deeming the behavior as perverse. Still a difference lingered between the same-sex love between women and that of men. Love between women was thought to be more psychological and emotional, while the love between men was considered to be more carnal. In this sense, the Japanese word doseiai seemed more suitable for female-female relations than for male-male sex. The problem essentially boils down to bad a translation. The character for ai of doseiai is more emotional, where as koi, a character that also means “love,” suggests more of an erotic, sexual charge.

Sexological journals during this time worked within a medical framework to pathologize “abnormal” sexual desires. In turn, they offered readers the opportunity to write in and describe their experiences to shed light on their condition. A side effect of this was that the “perverse” themselves were being given a voice. Furthermore, the medium they were working in appealed to a readership far wider than the medical community. While the Meiji-period sexology was limited to the medical elite, the Taisho period saw a hentai boom (“hentai” in this case meaning “perverse” or “queer”), one of the first of several explosions of interest in perverse sexuality that swept through the Japanese media until the late 1920s.

Japan’s descent into militarism in the early 1930s was a time when the government tightened its hold on sexual practices. In 1931, Japan was undergoing conflict with China, and following in 1933, the country withdrew itself from the League of Nations. It was a period that sought to mobilize the nation as a whole to support the war effort. A result of this was the nation’s attempt to bring the media under direct state control. It is a part of Japanese history characterized by increased state surveillance of, and interference in, the personal lives of its citizens. Japan, much like Nazi Germany, shared in the European sentiments of “race improvement” and proactively engaged in spreading their eugenicist policies. From this policy emerged new ideas of gender roles. Women were being cast as mothers whose sole purpose was to breed sons. Sons would be raised as hardy men; fighting machines to become a part of the national body. Women had little say in the matter, and were particularly strained by this new government policy.

Interestingly, despite the fact that the government had strictly pushed towards heterosexual behavior, their plan had a rather opposite effect. Throughout the 1930s, as a greater number of men were being drafted into the military, the government was in actuality delaying the marriages of bachelors. In addition, men who were already married were separated from their wives for increasingly long periods of time. By doing so, many Japanese men sought out intimacy from their fellow soldiers. With few men working, unmarried women took the role of men in the factories and other industries that men had previously occupied.

A great deal of evidence suggests that the Second World War played a pivotal role in the development of same sex intimacy and identity among homosocial groups of men and women in the Allied context. This process, however, was not necessarily the same for Japan, as the concept of homosexuality was not yet clearly understood in Japanese popular culture. Rather, the behavior was still seen as a potential shared by men and that it was simply a consequence of sex segregation. While the country’s militarism did not necessarily contribute toward the development of homosexual identities, there is evidence suggesting that homosexual interaction was encouraged by the process of sex segregation which was further accelerated as Japan’s position in the war gradually worsened.

In some published accounts in the early postwar years, there appeared to be instances of sexual relationships between senior soldiers and young recruits. One such account points out that veteran officers chose their orderlies soldiers by their beauty. These youths in turn were used as a substitute for women and as a sexual outlet on the front line. This sexual behavior of a higher status man having relations with a lower status youth was quite familiar to the Japanese, and it is of no surprise that during this time the word nanshoku, or rather danshoku as it was now pronounced, was re-embraced to describe male-male love. Its use here reflects how the borrowing and adapting of terms and concepts to name queer sexual practices and desires was not limited to Western languages. That is to say, the Japanese were moving away from Western terminology and taking back traditional words to describe modern ways of thinking.

Many of these accounts like the one above reaffirm the traditional paradigms of senior/junior, active/passive roles, and in a way, challenge the predominant gender ideology in imperial Japan. As the military environment provided opportunities for intense and physical bonds between men, one can only imagine the development of the same bonds for women in Japan’s factory dormitories and other female spaces. While there were many reports in the prewar press of “unnatural” occurrences taking place in such locations, especially of female same-sex love suicides, there is very little information detailing the lives of women during the height of the wartime era.

Interview with Couple

2009-04-14T20:49:00.005-04:00

The interview went pretty well with the lesbian couple. I don't interview many people obviously, so it was kind of an awkward start. But I got a lot of interesting information from it.

It's fascinating to see cultural differences. I mean, I'm very aware there ARE differences between America and Japan, but to see it when you're asking questions and hearing the responses about sexuality is very telling how different we really are. Clearly, sexuality is very much a part of Japanese life. I consider it like religion for the Japanese; its incorporated in their actions, but it goes unspoken. It isn't a separate component or part, but rather it's blended in to who they are. I feel that Americans view sexuality as separate part of themselves; a different, but perhaps an important part in shaping their identity. Something that makes them a deviant of society; a matter which they must accept as part of themselves or reject and try to change.

I'm not sure if this is making any sense. I guess I'm trying to argue blended versus separated. Nonetheless, it's all extremely interesting.

I have maybe over an hour's worth of dialogue between the couple, which is more than enough to write several pages about. I'm not really sure how to write about the interview though. Do I write from a third person perspective and approach it scholarly? Or can I write from a first person perspective and approach it personally?

Modern Japan's Beginnings

2009-04-14T20:47:00.001-04:00

January 3, 1868, is considered the date when the modern history of Japan began, when the emperor of Japan was “restored” to his rightful position. While the emperor’s restoration was an historic moment for the Japanese, it does not fully capture the country’s early steps toward “modernity” and breaking away from centuries old traditions.

The people of Japan grew more concerned for their country’s safety and stability as European powers began encroaching on Eastern territory. In an effort to dissuade European curiosity, the Tokugawa regime initiated a policy on their country: sakoku. A word literarily meaning “locked country” or “chained country,” it was a restriction placed on both foreigners and Japanese; that no foreigner could enter Japan, and that no Japanese citizen could leave Japan. While it debatably was not as severe as the policy was designed to be, it was a move on the country’s part to isolate itself from a changing, chaotic world. But after nearly two and half centuries, Japan could be isolated no more.

On July 1853, Commodore Matthew Perry of the United States navy arrived with four intimidating black ships in Edo Bay. There, he delivered a message from President Millard Fillmore to the Japanese. Perry returned again in March 1854 with twice as many ships and proceeded to lay out a list of demands, one of the most important being the right to trade. Japan could only concede to the demands as they were unequipped to fight off the American navy. The Tokugawa government, the whole country itself, was incapable of handling the oncoming waves of foreigners entering Japan.

It was futile to expel the foreigners. The strength of Westerners was far greater than they had expected. In November 1867, the Tokugawa government, which had become completely powerless at this point, surrendered its authority to the emperor. As the old dictatorship came to a close, a new Japan would emerge. And with this new Japan came new Japanese attitudes about sex and sexuality.

Conclusion of Early Japanese Sexuality

2009-04-13T00:04:00.003-04:00

Nanshoku has quite a rich history in Japan, which few societies can match in well-documented traditions of male homosexuality. While some might argue that is was a reflection of sexual openness of a bourgeois society, biographical information, and the way in which nanshoku and joshoku are discussed in popular literature, suggest otherwise. Rather, homosexual behavior was discussed more matter-of-factly in Tokugawa Japan; or, to simply put, actually occurred.

Perhaps in one way, the behavior arose mostly to compensate for the lack of female companionship. Traditions of male-male sexual relations among the elite of monks and samurai existed long before the emergence of the Tokugawa regime, and the absence of women in monasteries and warrior bands was a common problem for sexually frustrated men. At some point, however, the practice came to influence the structure of male desire, to the point where women no longer needed to be absent. Tokugawa men, in this perspective, had become interested in bisexuality.

This behavior was rooted in a feudal hierarchy, as specified in Confucian practice. Older males were socialized to desire dominating over younger males; younger males were to be submissive to older males. An exception to this hierarchal rule involved actors who cross-dress or played androgynous youths. These actors could assume the passive role in this instance, even if this encounter was with a younger man, since the Confucian rule of age superiority did not apply in male-female relations.

Scholars will debate endlessly about sexuality; whether it is nature versus nurture; biological versus cultural conditioning. Whatever the case may be towards homosexual desire, it will largely be unknown, as it differs radically from society to society; from one part of history to another. Even then, we will need to account for the fact that human beings experience sexual desire and engage in sexual behavior for reasons that cannot be explained. A matter to also consider, and for whatever reasons, men have exclusively experienced and acted upon homosexual desires. The “women-haters” of the Tokugawa era are one such example of this exclusivity. Nonetheless, men have acted upon their sexual urges through nanshoku, because it was considered pleasurable experience, relatively convenient, and was not forbidden religiously or legally.

While certainly Japan is less homophobic than the rest of the Western world, it is no longer the bisexual picture it was once painted out to be. The current view of homosexuality is deemed as abnormal, and those who perform such acts should conceal their sexual preference from those around them. A large part of this change was due to their incorporation into the world trading system, largely with the West. Japan, in order to gain the respect of their Western neighbors and to reverse the unequal treaties foreigners placed upon the country, absorbed many aspects of Western learning. Homosexuality, among other sexual aspects of Tokugawa Japanese society, was considered “shameful.” By the end of the nineteenth century, homosexuality was believed to be “unnatural,” and condemnable enough to criminalize its perpetrators.

Nanshoku secretly flourished in some ways in this new Japan, particularly in the schools and military academies of Meiji Japan between older and younger classmates. But by this time, these desires were considered primitive and violent, and a condition that needed to be suppressed. No longer was nanshoku celebrated in literature and art and theatre; it was now a national embarrassment the Japanese tried to hide from the West as Japan developed its way into modern civilization.

Female Colors

2009-04-12T21:45:00.004-04:00

Female sexuality is rarely commented on by foreign accounts, and the Japanese provide little historical information about the matter. Nonetheless, women were expected to enjoy sex. Popular literary and artistic works suggest that women often ignored moralists’ scoldings to suppress their sexual desire. Many sexually assertive women sought out what they desired, whether they were men or women. Women who were compelled to alleviate their sexual urges had the ability to look to prostitutes for their relief. Although laws forbade certain types of actors and male prostitutes from entering women’s homes, some nanshoku teahouses in the city of Edo were willing to service widows and ranking women as well as men.

And, just as men could engage sexually with male prostitutes, women had similar opportunities with female prostitutes. Female prostitutes who were willing to have lesbian sex reduced or eliminated women’s sexual dependence on men; a choice many women considered as a sexual outlet from the oppressive institution of marriage. Special sexual devices for lesbian sex known as tagaigata (a double-headed dildo) were openly sold at many markets. However, these devices were associated with some embarrassment for women, as they were expected to maintain a sense of sophistication about their sexuality.

However, unlike male-male sex, which was traditionally labeled as nanshoku, there was no such word that existed for female-female sex. While the word joshoku (“female colors”) would appear to be a similar word, it did not imply the same meaning. As Japan is a male-focused society, joshoku was a word used to refer to sexual relationships between men and women. It is ironic that Tokugawa Japan had art depicting lesbian behavior and sexual devices designed to pleasure two female partners, that for some reason the concept of “lesbian love” never existed.

There are a variety of explanations for the lack of terminology. But it is important to keep in mind that Japan is a hierarchal society, and in the Tokugawa period, it was a belief system that carried into the sexual lives of all men and women. In most cases during this time, there was always an active and passive participant. Perhaps to traditional Japanese minds, women could only assume the role of being passive partners. Furthermore, as women are not biologically equipped with genitals to penetrate and take over the active role, two women, in this way of thinking, could not technically have sex without both being passive partners in the experience; a rule that was contradicting the very foundation of Japanese hierarchy.

Prevalence of Bisexuality

2009-04-12T16:33:00.002-04:00

In many of the references to nanshoku in the Tokugawa era, men were not always depicted as exclusively homosexual. Men of this period rarely saw nanshoku and joshoku (“female colors” or “female eroticism”) as categories that one had to solely participate in. Lesser samurai often behaved in this manner, and their bisexual escapades were often exciting topics for popular kabuki plays. In the plays, ronin (masterless samurai) were embellished as highly amorous warriors who were sexual with both men and women.

Tsuuchi Hanjuro, Yasuda Abun, and Nakada Mansuke’s play Narukami Fudo Kitayama zakura (Kitayama cherry-blossoms of Narukami and Fudo) provides a humorous example of samurai bisexuality. As the samurai hero Danjiro waits in an antechamber to meet a local lord, the retainers of the household quickly attend to him. He is first greeted by a beautiful boy named Hidetaro, who Danjiro immediately begins to converse with. During their conversation, Hidetaro mentions that he does not know how to ride a horse. Danjiro makes a suggestive offer to teach a boy how to properly ride a horse, but the boy quickly panics and dashes away from the samurai. Shortly following, the woman of the house arrives with tea for Danjiro. The uncultured samurai uses this opportunity to make several sexually vulgar jokes using the word “tea.” Disgusted, the woman of the house hastily removes herself from his presence. “That’s two cups of tea I’ve been denied!” he cleverly quips to the audience.

Of course, this sense of open bisexuality was not limited to the samurai shown in kabuki plays, but was also extended to commoners in popular literature. Often characterized as young freethinkers, these men would not only seek out other men for pleasure, but were open to heterosexual encounters. An Osakan man in one humorous anecdote intended to go to a male brothel, but was persuaded by a companion of his to try and attend a female brothel instead. While the man was unsuccessful at making it to the female brothel, he had still considered the option. There are also other literary portrayals of men being emotionally attached to both sexes. A widower consoles himself with a boy after the death of his wife; a man loses his wife and children because of his infatuation with another man. Much of these genres were written from the point of view of men.

But perhaps erotic art captures the prevalence of bisexuality best in the Tokugawa period. It was during this time, the idea of a bisexual ménage-a-trois was considered the ultimate fantasy of many men. Hishikawa Moronobu’s print Patterns of Flower and Moon shows a sexually excited man with young man and a woman. The older man stands, having just withdrawn himself from the woman, and he prepares to insert himself in a positioned male youth. Written on the artwork, the older man declares, “The one Way isn’t so exciting, but there’s nothing more enjoyable than having both kinds of sex!” As the title might suggest, the woman’s vagina is the “flower” and the youth’s bottom is the “moon.”

Of course, one must not ignore the existence of those who were strictly homosexual. Referred to as nanshoku-zuki (nanshoku enthusiast), these men rejected heterosexual behavior. Occasionally, these men were depicted as misogynists, or rather bluntly, “woman-haters.” Like in Ming-Qing literature, and even in English Augustan literature, any contact with the female sex was considered revolting to nanshoku enthusiasts. An illustration from Ihara Saikaku’s Nanshoku okagami depicts three women passing by an enthusiast’s home, who then immediately shuns them away. “Such filth!” the man in the painting is shown saying. “Disgusting! Get out of here!”

Interestingly, early popular stereotypes of exclusive nanshoku were linked to effeminacy. While men of this period who engaged in nanshoku behavior were considered to be rough and powerful earlier on, the cultural refinement of this behavior, especially in certain major cities like Kyoto, were effeminizing and softening its masculine image. The city of Kyoto, being an important cultural capital at the time, encouraged the public to speak elegantly; a manner some deemed more suitable for women than men. Still, male prostitutes were encouraged to speak in this manner, as male Kyoto prostitutes were highly sought after. However, this behavior was not limited to only prostitutes, but to its patrons as well.

While bisexuality was an openly celebrated part of Tokugawa life, exclusive nanshoku interests were stereotypically deemed as effeminate and viewed negatively. Men who solely had sex with boys or young men were considered weak, and in some extreme cases, filthy and unkempt. While likely untrue for most enthusiasts, it was a prevailing hostile image that men were to avoid.

What I've Been Doing

2009-04-12T13:17:00.002-04:00

Met with the lesbian couple and we're planning an interview on Monday. Meanwhile I'm preparing questions that I think are relevant and hopefully insightful about GLBTQ issues in Japan.

Planning to knock out a few pages today for my paper, so keep your eye out. Probably will try and finish up early history and move on to modern history.

Happy Easter everyone!

Nanshoku

2009-04-08T16:44:00.002-04:00

A student researching Japanese society in the Tokugawa period will run into male homosexual behavior. It appears to be extremely common, particularly in towns and cities. It was a behavior widely tolerated; celebrated even in popular art and literature. In this way, it was very much a part of mainstream culture. Unfortunately, however, our initial scope of early Japanese sexuality is limited, as most of the pre-modern historical references to Japanese sexuality focuses on male-male relations. However, there is some information addressing female-female affairs, as well as transgendered-related mentionings.

When gathering information about this sexual behavior, one must remind themselves of the inconsistencies of our modern terminology when applying it to history. The term “homosexuality” is relatively a new word. It has barely existed for century, and was a term used to describe the psychological condition; an instinct that is focused primarily upon members of one’s own sex. Throughout history, men who enjoyed or preferred heterosexual sex also participated in having sex with other men. There are a variety of reasons why such relations would happen—ritualistic reasons, deprivation of female company, or, perhaps simply, it was a pleasurable alternative.

While modern scholars debate whether sexuality is a learned or instinctive condition, no form of sexual desire necessarily underlies the “homosexuality” of such situations in the historical sense. A male’s wish to have sex with a partner may very well been due to the particular age, ethnicity, or body type of said person, rather than their biological gender. Because of these possibilities, one must approach sexuality not as a psychological condition, but rather as a behavior. That is to say, their perception of sex and sexuality is different from our own modern perceptions, and therefore must be treated with a careful eye.

Of course, this leaves a researcher in a predicament. How does one substitute an appropriate word to describe this behavior? It is difficult to depart from using “homosexuality” to describe this behavior. Perhaps “male-male” sex, although slightly less formal, captures this part of history in a better light. Quite possibly, a Japanese word might be a better word choice, since after all we are dealing with a Japanese perception of sex and sexuality.

Nanshoku is a word used often during the Tokugawa era of Japan. It is written with the two Chinese character “male” and “color”; “nan” meaning “male” and “shoku” meaning “color.” In ancient Chinese history, possibly as a result of the association of women’s cosmetics and eroticism, the character for “color” has become a euphemism for sex. “Sensual pleasure” is another one of the definitions of this character. While “male colors” may be initially misleading, it provides another word option that captures pre-modern Japan. Still, there is no ideal English rendering of the word “nanshoku,” but this thesis hopes to promote an idea of what the word suggests.

Korea & China

2009-04-05T22:18:00.005-04:00

In China, stories of homosexuality in the court date back to the sixth century BCE. The Japanese borrowed much of their civilization from their Asian neighbor and various elements of the Chinese homosexual tradition. The Japanese, long before the Tokugawa period, traditionally believed that they had “learned” this custom from China, the Middle Kingdom. This is a rather common historical perception; homosexuality was always a “foreign important,” and that even to the Japanese, it was never a “natural” occurring act. The ancient Hebrews associated homosexuality with the pagan Egyptians. The Greeks believed they “learned” pederasty from the Persians. This, of course, does not necessarily mean homosexuality was viewed negatively in Japan. Rather, they kept a tolerant attitude towards it, since it provided a sense of refined culture to the Japanese.

Most of the earliest references to homosexuality in China dealt with relationships between emperors or other rulers and their “favorites.” Homosexual relationships among the literati were common as well, dating back to the third century CE. There is even evidence of homosexual relationships involving poets and scholars like Li Bo, Bo Juyi, and Su Dongpo during the Tang and Northern Song periods. Surprisingly, in our present time where homosexual marriage is under considerable debate, there is evidence of such marriages in China. From the Tang period, men of the southern coastal provinces gained a reputation for homosexual interests; Fujian, a province of China, produced many eunuchs for the court, and homosexual marriages became common there. Male prostitution also provides evidence of homosexuality in traditional China, yet for unclear reasons, was forbidden in the Zhonghe era. This law, however, was largely ignored and male prostitution continued to prosper. Often in these homosexual relationships, prostitution or otherwise, were typically class-structured. That is to say, the “active” partner was a social superior, and the “passive” partner was transgenderal, dressing and behaving similarly to a female, and notably of lesser status. Still, there is evidence of relationships between men of masculine gender identity, comparable ages, and relatively equal status.

Korea, a neighboring nation to Japan, may have also influenced the Japan’s view on homosexuality. Up until the eighth century, the Korean kingdoms were just as significant as China was, and similarly, Korean traditions were modeled upon those of the Middle Kingdom. Like in China, homosexuality in Korea was often found in courtly society. Eunuchs were employed by Korean kings, and most likely served as sexual partners. Korea also established the institution of hwarang or “flower boys.” It was during the Silla dynasty, that the court established a corps of young warriors, in which aristocratic youths were selected for their beauty, education, and martial prowess. Other than acting as soldiers, they performed ritual dances and recited prayers. They are also reported to serve as sexual partners to the courtiers, suggesting that male-male sexuality was prevalent in the Silla court.

References to “beautiful boys” in puppet plays and collections of humor from the seventeenth century hint the some men in the upper class enjoyed the company of boys for sexual purposes. Homosexuality seems to have been especially associated with provincial gentlemen. Like the literati of Fujian in China, some of these men even kept boy-wives, a status that was publicly acknowledge in the village. After reaching adulthood, these boys would normally enter into a heterosexual marriage.

A Little Busy

2009-04-03T16:52:00.002-04:00

I have my hands full this weekend writing another paper for History of Modern China and writing rough drafts for Senior Seminar. I'll try my best to post a few things for my paper by Sunday.

Until then, wish me luck.

Thesis Outline

2009-03-27T14:24:00.003-04:00

All of this is subject to change, particularly the early history part. I may drop “Confessions of a Mask” since I don’t feel I can summarize it properly without overextending my paper. The film “Hush!” will probably stay and be used for the presentation. I feel I need to include more lesbian first-person narratives and may go back to add more. As I start writing the paper I will probably cut back more than I will add. At the moment, it doesn’t seem like I’m discussing about modern queer identity, but maybe this will be expressed more in the interviews and summarized in the conclusion. Title will *definitely* change (may drop "History, Film, and Literature" part).

Analysis of Queer Identity in Modern Japan through History, Film, and Literature
O U T L I N E

Introduction
• What is Identity?
• What is Queer Identity?
• Introduce Japan (location, seclusion)

Early Japanese History
• What is Pre-Modern Japan?
• Introduce Pre-Tokugawa Period (China, Korea)
• Discuss Male-Male Relationships in Royal Court, Monasteries, Stories
• Introduce “Nanshoku” / “Male Colors” (Japanese Terminology)
• Homosexuality in Samurai Class
• Discuss Kabuki (Origin, Actors, Actresses, Prostitution)
• Prevalence of Bisexuality
• Women’s Color
• Acceptance & Criticism

Modern Japanese History
• What is Modern Japan?
• After Seclusion & Western Influence
• Changing Values (Westernization, Eradicating)
• Development of Early-Modern Sexology
• Development of Postwar Queer Culture
• Queer Activism in Japan
• Leupp’s Conclusions & Speculations on Modern Japan

First Person Narratives
• “How I Became a FTM Transgender Gay”
• “Lifestyles in the Gay Bars”
• “My Career in Danshoku: Notes on Sodomy”

Literature
• Yukio Mishima’s “Confessions of a Mask”
• Discuss his Youth, School Life
• Discuss “Unusual” Attraction
• Hardships, Difficulties
• Overall Unhappiness

Film
• Ryosuke Hashiguchi’s “Hush!”
• Discuss Relationship Roles
• Need to have Children
• Connections, Family

Personal Interviews
• Interview with Lesbian Couple (American Woman, Japanese Woman)
• Interview with Gay Couple (American Man, Japanese Man)
• Interview with Japanese Instructor (Misa Yamamoto)
• Interview with Previous Japanese Faculty Member (Yoshiko Kato)

Conclusion
• Reiterate Point of Social Connection, Responsibilities
• Changing Sexuality

For Anyone Interested

2009-03-26T10:40:00.003-04:00

Will and I will be meeting at around 1:00 PM at the library on Friday (March 27) to work on our projects together. We're hoping to complete an outline of the paper and to toss out ideas. Maybe get a few pages out of the way.

If you're interested in joining us, please come. You can email me under my Appstate account at we78926 and I'll give you more information. I'm assuming we'll mostly be working on the third floor near the computers, but we'll see what happens, I guess.

IRB Site!

2009-03-23T13:32:00.003-04:00

Here's the link to the IRB site for ASU. The one provided in the handout on Monday doesn't seem to work.

http://www.orsp.appstate.edu/compliance/irb/index.php

There's a bunch of forms, so you'll want to take a look at them all. Maybe print them out for reference.

Research Ethics

2009-03-23T13:30:00.002-04:00

As with any research dealing with GLBTQ (Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer) issues, it can be a sensitive topic. My research focuses on the GLBTQ aspect of Japan and its impact on the Japanese identity. As I am treading into rather unfamiliar territory, it is important to consider Japanese cultural beliefs and perceptions.

Many Westerners (Americans in particular) are “coming out of the closest” and being open about their sexuality and gender identity; the idea of celebrating our individuality and having pride in who we are. But this is not necessarily the case for Asian cultures. Japan, rather, is a country that values the concept of the whole. Japanese individuality is but only a tiny part in the bigger picture of society. Many Japanese do not experience the “coming out” stages that Americans do. For the Japanese, that is to say, it promotes the idea of how separated and “different” we are from society, instead of how similar and the “same” we all are.

When interviewing people for my research, especially those who identify culturally as Japanese, it is important to be sensitive and aware of these subtle views on the GLBTQ identity in Japan. For those who identify as GLBTQ, I feel I must create an interviewing atmosphere that is comfortable for them to answer truthfully and without fear of “outing” them as “different.” When I interview, I want to express in the simplest of terms that I am only seeking knowledge about the subject matter and I have no intentions of hurting their character. With this in mind, I would like to prepare questions that would be appropriate and effective in my research, but be sensitive enough as to not be invasive or intruding.

While I do have only good intentions, I must express the possibilities of harm that could come from this kind of research. For the GLBTQ minorities, there is still a sense of disapproval and discontentment. Interviewed people, who identified themselves as a part of GLBTQ community, may face discrimination and harassment with family, friends, and colleagues if my work is presented openly using their names and their views. There may also be the possibility of misunderstanding (language barriers, wrong word choices), resulting in inaccurate representation of their views on GLBTQ issues and Japanese identity. My work, if somehow completely ignorant on Japanese society and identity, can very well hurt the GLBTQ movement in Japan and its perception in the West.

My research comes down to three primary things: respect for persons involved, the benefit of my research for myself and others, and the justice and equality of the people being researched on. My research must be informative and meaningful, but sensitive enough to deal with other cultures far different from my own. I must express my concern for those being interviewed for my research and prepare questions suitable to achieve a truthful, unhindered answer. Again, my goal is to learn and to enlighten others, and I intended to do that to the best of my ability.

Just So You Know

2009-03-18T11:45:00.007-04:00

The 12th Annual Celebration of Student Research and Creative Endeavors will be held on Thursday, April 23, 2009. The Celebration showcases and encourages meaningful research in all disciplines by undergraduates and graduate students at Appalachian. More>>

So either I can't read, or this little bulletin wasn't very clear. I'm going to believe it's the latter, but then again, I'm not the brightest crayon in the box. In case anyone actually reads my blog and they happen to be just as confused as I was about the Office of Student Research site, here's where you're actually supposed to go to submit your abstract proposal.

http://www.osr.appstate.edu/present/oncampus.html

Celebration of Student Research and Creative Endeavors

Thursday, April 23, 2009 in the Plemmons Student Union.

The Celebration showcases and encourages meaningful research in all disciplines by undergraduates and graduate students at Appalachian. Last year, over 100 students representing over 20 departments presented their results in either a performance, platform talk, or poster.

To Apply

To participate in the Celebration, you must complete the Abstract Submission Form by Friday, March 20, 2009.

So I'm planning to get started on that today, I guess. Whee...

Update:
Wasn't as terrible as I thought it would be. It's fairly straight forward. I think the hardest part was coming up with a decent title. Can easily be done in a few minutes if you already have your proposal done.

Annotated Bibliography

2009-03-16T23:10:00.014-04:00

It's back to work again, I suppose. No rest and relaxation for me!

Fujio, Takafumi. "How I Became an FtM Transgender Gay." Queer Voices from Japan: First-Person Narratives from Japan's Sexual Minorites. Ed. Mark McLelland, Katsuhikio Suganuma, James Welker. New York: Lexington Books, 2007.

An account of a transgendered male born in Tokyo in 1964. He divided his story into three parts: the period from when he was born until he married at twenty-eight, the period when he was married, and the period of transition after his divorce. He struggled with his identity like so many transgendered people do, following the normal Japanese expectations of getting married and baring children. Eventually, he filed for divorce, leaving his past life behind as a female. His account as a female-to-male living in Japan provides insight to Japanese transgendered identity. The author came to realize his true identity, and because of this, was able to integrate more easily into Japanese society because of this change.

Hush!. Dir. Ryosuke Hashiguchi. Perf. Seiichi Tanabe, Kazuya Takashi, Reiko Kataoka. DVD. Siglo Ltd., 2001.

A story of two men in a relationship named Katsuhiro and Naoya who try to live their lives as normal and simply as possible. Eventually, their lives are thrown into a loop when a woman named Ayako tries to convince Katsuhiro to have a child with her. The two men are at a loss on what to do, and the film only becomes more and more dramatic as family members begin to become involved. In the end, however, the couple and the woman live together, eventually raising a child together as a big family. This movie promotes an idea not so much on the gay aspect of the story, but rather the idea of working and coming together.

Kabiya, Kazuhiko. "Lifestyles in the Gay Bars." Queer Voices from Japan: First-Person Narratives from Japan. Ed. Mark McLelland, Katsuhikio Suganuma, James Welker. New York: Lexington Books, 2007.

Kabiya begins by commenting on the existence of tea houses and bars catering to male homosexuals (danshokuka), which are now colloquially known as "gay bars" or "gay shops" in Tokyo and other big cities. It is a scene that is substantially increasing, Kabiya believes. In his narrative, he tries to describe the structure and character of gay bars, as well as the people who work there and frequently visit them. He discusses the bar scene in intricate detail, analyzing the reasons people are a part of the gay bar scene. It provides homosexual Japanese men an outlet to escape social pressures and to find comfort in finding like-minded people.

Kondou, Takashi. "My Career in Danshoku: Notes on Sodomy." Queer Voices from Japan: First-Person Narratives from Japan. Ed. Mark McLelland, Katsuhikio Suganuma, James Welker. New York: Lexington Books, 2007.

Written in 1954, Kondou writes of his homosexual experiences from childhood to adulthood. While he attempted to subdue his sexuality after graduating from technical school, he was unsuccessful. When he received his red draft papers and was sent to Hankou, China, his sexuality became even more pronounced. Postwar Japan ultimately changed his life, however, now having to seek another job and "settle down" due to the persistence of his mother. Still, his sexual desires could not be suppressed, and he eventually worked his way into male hustling. His later life was filled with struggles to satisfy his sexual desires and to fulfill his obligations as a family man.

Leupp, Gary. Male Colors: The Construction of Homosexuality in Tokugawa Japan. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1995.

A work primarily focusing on homosexuality in pre-modern Japan. Chapters include pre-Tokugawa homosexual tradition, the commercialization of male love, Tokugawa homosexual culture, social tolerance, nanshoku and the construction of gender, and conclusions and speculations. Provides a variety of paintings depicting homosexuality in pre-modern Japan. Insightful in the sense that it provides historical records to GLBT experiences, particularly before Westerns began to invade Japan after it's seculsion period.

Mishima, Yukio. Confessions of a Mask. New York: New Directions, 1958.

A semi-autobiographical account of Mishima and the struggle with his identity. He writes of a troubled man who became aware of his sexual desires at an early age but tried desperately to suppress them. It is darkly written and graphic, capturing a sexually frustrated and self-hating figure. While he tried very hard to fit into Japanese society, it ultimately found himself rejected and alone, or rather, disconnected with the others around him. First, informative about gay-oriented Japanese literature. Second, informative about the self-loathing the GLBT minorities suffered, especially in the post-war era.

Treat, John Whittier. Great Mirrors Shattered: Homosexuality, Orientalism, and Japan. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999.

An account by Whittier and his interpretation of Japan. Whittier, being an American gay man, writes about Japan in the way he sees it. He focused particularly on the AIDS epidemic and how Japan handled (or mishandled) the disease. Discusses his interaction within the Japanese GLBT community, and also addresses certain political issues involving GLBT. Very informative about how AIDS affected Japan and the social mentality of the Japanese towards the disease and the GLBT community.

Topic Proposal

2009-03-02T11:12:00.003-05:00

So! My intentions were to update this blog this past weekend, and I just kept putting off and putting it off. But at least I'm doing it now, I guess! But here's the topic I have in mind.

For my topic proposal, my goal is to analyze and interpret the Japanese identity from a Western perspective. However, to narrow down my topic, I intend to concentrate my research on the Japanese GLBT (Gay, Lesbian, Bi, Transgendered) community and how they fit into the intricate web of Japanese society. Most of my efforts will be focused on modern Japanese culture, however I will be making comparisons with the GLBT community in pre-modern Japan, noting changes and similarities of pre-and-post-modern Japanese GLBT, and ultimately (!) the future of their community.

So far found three great books discussing Japanese GLBT identity. Great Mirrors Shattered: Homosexuality, Orientalism, and Japan by John Whittier Treat, Queer Voices from Japan: First-Person Narratives from Japan's Sexual Minorities edited by Mark McLelland, Katsuhiko Suganuma, and James Welker, and Male Colors: The Construction of Homosexuality in Tokugawa Japan by Gary Leupp. Off to a great start, I think, and the books are all very interesting and extremely informative.

I have potential interviewers lined up who are Japanese and can tell me about their perspective on the GLBT community of Japan. Hoping to get in touch with GLBT Japanese and arrange an interview with them.

My disciplinary fields mostly include History and Literature. One particular book that was informative about the GLBT identity in Japan was Confessions of a Mask by Yukio Mishima, which was a rather dark account of a man struggling to find himself and fit in. I have one movie lined up at the moment called Hush!, which I've personally seen and think it might be able to be discussed in my paper. I'm open to looking for other movies and seeing how they would apply to my topic.

So to sum up, investigating Japanese identity through the Japanese GLBT community. Focusing primarily on modern Japanese society, but making comparisons to pre-modern Japan (before Westerners), and noting changes, differences, and similarities. Using History (pre-and-post-modern Japan) and Literature (books like Yukio Mishima's Confessions of a Mask). Incorporating a film and personal interviews with people from Japan (and possibly been to Japan?).

JET Interview

2009-02-22T21:35:00.004-05:00

We arrived in Atlanta, GA, Thursday evening and stayed at the Red Roof Inn. I highly recommend Red Roof Inn since it was only about $69 for two people and was only a 5-10 minute drive. I was later told by a couple applying to JET that the hotels they recommended in the e-mail were not really in walking distance.

We arrived about an hour early to the Japanese consulate. It was on the 16^th floor and the entrance room appeared initially small. After walking through the metal detection machine, we took a quick look around, looking at posters and such. They had Hina Matsuri decorations proudly on display and it was quite impressive.

After taking a seat on the couch, we mostly waited for other JET applicants to appear and for 10 o’clock to roll around. A married couple walked in and took a seat near us and we chatted with them for a bit. The wife was 27 and the husband was 30, and both were very fun and interesting people. We mostly talked about our nervousness and discussed about questions the interviewers might ask.

Finally at 10:00, an older Japanese woman called my name. She had trouble pronouncing my last name, so I said it slowly in Japanese. She appeared to understand what I said, smiled and nodded. I gave her my voucher and consent form like she asked for, and she exchanged a parking pass in return. She guided me to the back of the consulate, which is apparently MUCH bigger than the entrance room led me to believe.

We arrived to a door, and she knocked and opened it. Two other people were in a typical office room, an older man looking to be in his late 50s and a young blonde woman looking to be about 30. The Japanese woman was apparently also a part of the interview panel, which surprised me. She looked to be possibly in her 40s.

I shook all of their hands and flashed them a big, nervous smile; exchanged a “nice to meet you” to all of them. The man appeared friendly and addressed me by the actual name I go by, which was nice. He further surprised me by claiming that he was a classmate of one of my teachers who wrote a recommendation for me. I wasn’t sure if that was a good thing or bad thing, considering he had a strange reaction when I was saying how much I liked her as a professor.

I took a seat and placed the folder I brought on a table. They quickly dug into the questions.

What motivated you to do the JET Program and what will motivate you while teaching?

I was still a little nervous, so I kind of went on a small rant about how long I’ve studied Japanese. I kind of paused and realized I hadn’t answered the second the part of his question. I asked him to repeat the second part, which I explained about how passionate I was learning Japanese and Japanese culture, and sharing my passion for languages with students.

What culture shock do you expect to experience when you’re in Japan?

I told them that since I had already been to Japan, I wasn’t expecting any serious culture shock when I returned. But if I did, that I knew it would eventually pass.

Japanese teachers tend to smoke on their breaks very openly. Will this be a problem?

I’m not sure how this question was exactly phrased, but it basically had to do with smoking and my opinion of teachers smoking. I told them I grew up in a family of smokers, so it was nothing new to me and I didn’t mind it at all. They laughed and liked my answer.

How would you feel about living in a rural area?

I told them I’m okay with anything and enjoyed being the only foreigner since I thought it gave me a better Japanese experience.

What things about American culture would you like to teach in a Japanese classroom?

I was surprised I had freedom with this one, since I had some prepared answers. I asked if they were interested in an historical figure or an American object. They said whichever I would care to explain. I said that if it’s an historical figure, I would like to teach about Martin Luther King; first to talk about his message of freedom and equality, and second to discuss about the African-American experience since the Japanese often only consider the “Caucasian/White” experience. The professor added “hakujin.” I laughed and smiled and agreed with the Japanese word he used.

After that, I said that if it was an object, I think I’d like to bring a map to explain about America. I said something along the lines of, “I don’t think many people realize how big America is and the diversity we have in regions; mountains, oceans, beaches, the plains… But even though we’re so diverse and spread out, we all somehow try to work for the same goals.” This led to the next part of the interview.

To the back of the room was a crudely drawn map of America on a white board. I had somehow missed that. They asked me to teach a lesson about America using the map to a class of seventh graders. I wasn’t exactly sure of what to do, but I had an idea to start with some kind of introduction. I said good morning to the class, and said we would be learning about America. The interviewers played the part of the students and said good morning back and pretended to be interested in the lesson. I said I was from North Carolina slowly, and drew the state on the board. The interviewers pretended to struggle with saying “North Carolina”, so I said it in Japanese: no-su karoraina. They all said the Japanese version. I repeated the correct English pronunciation, and waited until I heard them say it.

This went on for a minute or two. I said other things like, “I am from Boone” and “Boone is very mountainous.” Since “mountainous” probably seemed like a big word, I drew a picture of a mountain to the side of the board and drew an arrow from it connecting to Western North Carolina. They said “Ah!” and realized what I was trying to say. After that, I continued to do the same thing with other states and other nearby countries. I figured the interviewers understood what I was doing at this point, so I kind of hunched my shoulders and flashed them a big unsure smile. They smiled back and told me I could have a seat again.

What would you bring back to America from Japan?

I wasn’t sure how to answer this question. I said something along the lines of that I’d like to understand the language and culture better and to bring back Japanese recipes. But I didn’t really feel confident about my answer. I said I was already familiar with a lot about Japanese pop culture and music, so it was hard to say what I could bring back what I didn’t already immediately know. They seemed fine with this answer and we just carried on without delving too much into it.

At the end of the interview, the Japanese woman asked several of the required legal questions. Things that I had already answered on the application basically, like “Have you been convicted of any crimes?” and “Do you plan to bring anyone?”

After that, I was allowed to ask questions to them concerning JET. I asked mostly about transportation and getting involved in cultural activities. I also asked them if they would reintroduce themselves to me and tell me what their professions were. To be honest though, I really only remember what the Japanese woman said. During this time, I also tried to give them my actual resume, which they seemed a little surprised by and didn’t know how to react to it. I reassured them I simply wanted to show them so they would have a better idea of what I’ve done and my skills. They looked to the Japanese consulate woman to get an idea of what to do, but they all finally gave in and took my resume to look at. The professor said they would see if they could put my resume to use. Last, I gave them some of the learning material I made for the Japanese class I taught and they all seemed very interested. The professor commented that he’d like to use them for a lesson.

That was pretty much the end of the interview. I gathered my materials in my folder and shook hands with everyone again. The consulate woman showed me back to the entrance, however we chatted for a little in Japanese. She asked me in Japanese if I could speak Japanese and I responded that I could speak a little. She smiled and complimented me and I told her I had been studying for over six years. She complimented me again, and I was rather excited I could use my Japanese with her.

I bowed to her respectfully, told her thank you in Japanese, said good bye, and we parted.

Overall, in my opinion, the interview went great. I commented saying that I hoped I portrayed myself well, and they all quickly agreed that I did great, especially the professor. I took this as very good news.

I ended up staying in the lobby for a while; mostly waiting for my friend to return from his interview after it was his turn. I chatted with the wife of the couple from earlier and she said her interview went rather well, but she was still nervous about her chances.

After my friend and her husband came back, they told of us their horror stories with the interviewers. They were grilled far worse apparently than we were and we talked for some time about everything that just happened. Later I exchanged e-mails with the couple, and told them I hoped to see them again.

Before I left, I talked to the security guard and told her, “You’re going to say nice things about me right?” I think she was kind of surprised, and frankly I don’t know if she has much influence in the selection process, but nonetheless she was very friendly and curious about my interview. I told her how it went and we chatted for a little bit. She wished us luck and we said goodbye to her as well.

In the end, I feel really lucky, but I can’t help but to wonder why they took it so easy on me. However, I’m thankful I had the chance to be interviewed and look forward to April.

GLBT Japanese Identity

2009-02-18T12:50:00.002-05:00

Had an interesting talk with Elitza about Japanese identity after class and how to narrow down my thesis.

I am definitely interested in discussing Japanese identity, but I could probably continue to narrow it down even further by forming my thesis around a minority group in Japan. Being gay, I think I could form a decent interdisciplinary work around the Japanese GLBT community; analyzing how Japanese GLBT people fit into the social web of Japan. Eltiza suggested (at least from what I can remember of our conversation) to look into how Western GLBT minorities migrating to Japan could also fit into Japanese society.

While I haven't looked to deeply at the sources, I've been digging for information that might be relevant.

http://www.japanvisitor.com/index.php?cID=354&pID=1147&cName=Books&pName=japan-books-gay-lesbian

http://www.geocities.co.jp/Berkeley/3508/japanesehistory.html

http://intersections.anu.edu.au/issue3/mclelland2.html

http://www.japanvisitor.com/index.php?cID=362&pID=379&cName=Gay&pName=gay-japan

http://www.japanvisitor.com/index.php?cID=362&pID=1461&cName=Gay&pName=japan-transgender

Unfortunate Circumstances

2009-02-16T13:08:00.002-05:00

So, apparently I'm computer illiterate, or the library is just extremely unhelpful.

I go to library thinking I can fill out a RAP session form. I arrive, walk to the front desk, and try to get the attention of a librarian. Of course, after he pries his eyes off of Google Images, I ask if I could fill out a form for a RAP session. He proceeds to suggest that I can do this all online, which I frankly already knew about. So it was a wasted walk.

Anyway, I fill out the form the best I can and send it off. Or at least I thought I did.

I haven't really heard anything from the library. No conformation. No e-mail saying, "Hey, we'll schedule you in!" So I'm thinking I'm just going to have to re-do all of this and hope for the best sometime later.

Either way I already have an idea of what I want to do for my project and I've talked to Dr. Jay Wentworth about some possible sources. Instead of dealing with Japanese language, I think it would be better to talk about the Japanese identity; what it means to be Japanese. Foreign immigrants who come to live and work in Japan are initially insulted with the idea that they will never be "Japanese." This is usually pegged as "rascism," but it's more of an internal idea problem than an external problem. Complete integration is not possible because the immigrant does not act entirely Japanese.

Hopefully that makes some kind of sense.

Anyway, a few sources that I have in mind include the following:

Rethinking Identity in Modern Japan
http://www.amazon.com/Rethinking-Identity-Modern-Japan-Nationalism/dp/0415235219

Japan's Minorities
http://www.amazon.com/Japans-Minorities-Homogeneity-Shelffield-Routledge/dp/041577263X/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1234808755&sr=1-1

Race and Migration in Imperial Japan
http://www.amazon.com/Race-Migration-Imperial-Japan-Assimilation/dp/0415062284/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1234808834&sr=1-1

Race, Ethnicity, and Migration in Modern Japan
http://www.amazon.com/Race-Ethnicity-Migration-Modern-Japan/dp/0415208548/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1234808834&sr=1-2

Rice as Self
http://www.amazon.com/Rice-Self-Identities-Princeton-Paperbacks/dp/0691021104/ref=sr_1_15?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1234808968&sr=1-15

Various online findings...
http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/journal/118787552/abstract?CRETRY=1&SRETRY=0

If worse comes to worse, if Japanese identities don't work out so well, I can fall back on forming a thesis about Japanese minorities (GLBT communities, the Ainu people, fashion subcultures). I'm particularly interested in the Japanese GLBT community and the idea of Japanese GLBT trying to fulfill their internal drives and conform to their social obligations.

So, that's it so far. I have some good ideas, or at least something more solid. I just need to form the information I have so far into something I can write 35 pages about.

Ideas

2009-02-10T17:01:00.001-05:00

Talked with Dr. Jay Wentworth today about my thesis. It was nice to get some ideas flowing and it helped me settle on what would worthwhile to talk about.

Considering tackling Japanese identity instead of language, though it might still be an option. The possibility of a foreigner (an American for instance) to be accepted into a Japanese society. To be on the inside instead of the outside.

Looking into Japanese identity, Japanese minorities, etc.

Necessary Disciplines

2009-02-09T12:19:00.000-05:00

In order to work on my thesis, I must decide on the disciplines I wish to incorporate.

I intend to use mostly the Humanities for my research, focusing on early and modern Japanese History. I feel that Chinese and American History are also important things to touch on when working on the thesis.

Since I am concerned with Japanese globalization, I would like to concentrate on the economic-side of things, the country's population growth and decline, and the overall impact foreigners have had in Japan.

I'd also like to address the issue of keigo, Japanese honorific words mostly used in the business and service aspect of Japan. Most Japanese are forgetting how to use these words probably and I hope to use a variety of language books that this discuss this.

Introduction　・　紹介

2009-02-09T09:39:00.000-05:00

Hello.
よろしくです。

This is the beginning of my required Senior Seminar blog.
これは大学のゼミに必要なブログの初めである。

Enjoy the show.
ゆっくり読んでみてね。